-Caveat Lector-

an excerpt from:
Freud, Jung and Hall the Kingmaker
Saul Rosenzweig�1992
Hogrefe & Hubert Publishers
Box 2487
Kirkland, Washington 98083-2487
206.820.1500 / 800.228.3749
ISBN 0-88937-1105
-----
An interesting book.  The only visit to the US by Freud. G. Stanley Hall is
not a member of Skull & Bones but was heavily influenced by them. The text is
a bit obtuse, but underneath , one can discern the groundwork of studies that
were very helpful in MK-Ultra. Also note that Clark University was working
with the State Hospital at Worcester. 477pps.
Om
K
--[1]--

In 1909 G. Stanley Hall invited Jung and me to America to go to Clark
University, Worcester, Mass., . . . to spend a week giving lectures at the
celebration of the twentieth anniversary of its opening. Hall was justly
esteemed as a psychologist and educator and had introduced psychoanalysis
into his courses ... ; [but] there was a touch of the "king-maker" about him,
a pleasure in setting up authorities and then deposing them.... Another event
of this time which made a lasting impression on me was a meeting with William
James the philosopher.
Sigmund Freud: An Autobiographical Study (1925)

Peace, impudent and shameless Warwick, peace, Proud setter up and puller down
of kings!
William Shakespeare: King Henry VI, Part III

Speaking of "functional" psychology, Clark University, of which Stanley Hall
is President, had a little international congress the other day in honor of
the twentieth year of its existence. I went there for one day in order to see
what Freud was like.
Letter of William James to Theodore Flournoy (1909)

It was these association studies which later, in 1909, procured me my
invitation to Clark University; I was asked to lecture on my work.
Simultaneously, and independently of me, Freud was invited.
C. G. Jung: Memories, Dreams, Reflections (1963)

We commemorated the close of our second decennium in the summer of 1909 by a
series of conferences.... The conferences ... were attended not only by
psychologists but by eminent psychiatrists, and the influence of Freudian
views in this country, where they had been little known before, from this
date developed rapidly, so that in a sense this unique and significant
culture movement owed most of its initial momentum in this country to this
meeting.
G. Stanley Hall: Life and Confessions of a Psychologist (1923)

-----

In the Beginning ...

... psychoanalysis, like many other cultural movements, encountered numerous
obstacles to its acceptance in the land of its origin. As one of Freud's
disciples later stated, there was a "Golden Age" of isolation from which the
theory of unconscious psychodynamics only gradually emerged into the light of
open controversy. A turning point arrived when G. Stanley Hall, President of
Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts, boldly invited Sigmund Freud
and C. G. Jung to come to the New World and participate, with 27 other
distinguished scientists, in celebrating the twentieth anniversary of this
pioneering university. The expedition served to create a watershed for the
spread of psychoanalysis in the continents of North America and Europe. For
better or for worse, a new epoch in the history of ideas began.

This volume describes the one and only visit of Sigmund Freud to America and
places it in historical perspective. It describes the background of this
crucial event and its consequences for psychoanalysis as a theory and a
cultural movement. It utilizes, and publishes here for the first time, the
newly recovered correspondence between Sigmund Freud and G. Stanley Hall, who
extended the invitation. The role of C. G. Jung, who shared the visit with
Freud, is explained. The vicissitudes of their relationship, which reached
its apogee during this journey, are described. The significance of the
expedition in terms of Freud's own psychodynamics is explored. In that vein
the relationship of Freud and Hall before and after the event is examined.
Similarly, the role of William James, who attended the Clark celebration "to
see what Freud was like," is reconstructed. The long friendship of James and
Hall, which entered its final phase at the time of this visit, is portrayed
with emphasis on their opposing views on psychology as science.

During his visit James heard a lecture by Freud, including the interpretation
of dreams, and, some hours later, took a walk with him. The analysis of this
interaction brought to light an unknown and poignant, romantic relationship
extending over the last 15 years of James's life. In response to Freud's
theory, James reexamined some of his own earlier dreams and produced a
spiritistic interpretation quite unlike what Freud's would probably have been.

Some new insights have been made possible through the use of several original
sources not hitherto available. By their means a detailed chronicle of events
germane to the 1909 visit has been prepared. It is presented in a synoptic
chapter at the end of Part One and is thus available for summary reading or
for ready reference at will.

Part One describes and analyzes the expedition through an idiodynamic study
of the principal participants -Freud, Jung, Halt and James. Part Two
reproduces in translation from the German the complete letters of Freud to
Hall along with the English letters of Hall to Freud. All the letters are
historically annotated.

In Part Three the five lectures that Freud delivered at Clark University on
the origin and development of psychoanalysis are presented in a new
translation made from the original German. This translation aims at both
accuracy and audibility; it recognizes that, though not actually written out
until later, these were lectures.

It is believed that this historic visit is here now portrayed in a reliable
chronological account and understood by attempting to view it from within the
life and work of the chief participants.

The manner in which the book originated and developed over a period of 40
years will be briefly recounted. My indebtedness to the many individuals who
generously cooperated along the way will be acknowledged in that setting.

My undergraduate major at Harvard College was philosophy, with a minor in
psychology. The major was capped by the writing of an honor's thesis entitled
"Philosophy and Psychoanalysis: the Relationships of Freud and Schopenhauer,
Adler and Nietzsche, Jung and Bergson." It was demonstrated that each of the
philosophers in question had anticipated the pioneer psychoanalyst paired
with him in the title and that, reciprocally, it was the theory of that
particular psychoanalyst which most successfully accounted for the life and
work of the apposite philosopher. Later I saw that something in the nature of
a dialectical process was involved!

Schopenhauer and/or Freud had avowed the thesis (the dominance of love or
sexuality); Nietzsche and/or Adler asserted the antithesis (power or
aggression); finally, Bergson, with his evolutionary elan vital and Jung in
his comprehensive redefinition of the libido concept, offered a combining
synthesis.

This beginning became an introduction to my graduate work in psychology, in
which I sought to define and validate by laboratory methods the clinically
derived theories of psychoanalysis, and, in particular, the concept of
repression. Most of this research was devoted to the investigation of the
selective recall of pleasant and unpleasant experiences that had previously
been produced experimentally.

This research bore its first fruit as a paper in 1933 entitled "The
experimental situation as a psychological problem," which empirically
established the paradigm for studying the complementary interrelations of
experimenter and experimentee. This initial article illustrated the
categories of the paradigm from my own research and that of others. Thus was
established a blueprint for the field of the experimental-social psychology
of the human subject in the laboratory encounter which began fully to
flourish in the 1950s. Only in retrospect, much later, did I see that my
exploration in the field of experimental psychology was what Freud had
studied as the transference and countertransference in therapy.

By the end of my graduate studies, chiefly at the newly founded Harvard
Psychological Clinic, I was fully launched in an attempt to comprehend
empirically the grounds from which had grown both the philosophical theories
of the voluntaristic philosophers and the coordinated psychological theories
of the psychoanalytic pioneers. This research was continued for two years as
research associate at the Harvard Psychological Clinic and as collaborator in
Henry Murray's Explorations in Personality (published in 1938).

In 1934, I joined the research service of the Worcester State Hospital to
participate in a comprehensive multidisciplinary program of investigation
into the enigma of schizophrenia. In that setting some of the methods I had
first used with normal experimentees were applied to the study of
schizophrenic patients as compared to normal individuals. Having already
intensively explored the projective techniques, in particular the Rorschach
method and the Thematic Apperception Test, and having formulated the
beginnings of a frustration. theory, these two approaches were combined and
resulted in the Rosenzweig Picture-Frustration (P-F) Study, a tool for both
experimental research and clinical psychodiagnosis. In the course of the
ensuing 40 years that instrument has been adapted and restandardized
worldwide in the countries of Europe, Asia, the Middle East, South America
and Africa.

During the latter half of my association with the research service of the
State Hospital, I became affiliated with the teaching faculty of Clark
University, also located in Worcester, and thus revived the liaison between
the Hospital and the University which, a generation earlier, had been forged
and fostered by the pathologist-psychiatrist Adolf Meyer at the Hospital and
the psychologist G. Stanley Hall, President and head of the Psychology
Department at Clark. Incidentally, many of Hall's published works were
acquired by browsing in Worcester's secondhand bookstores, but it was not
until much later that I began fully to use them. Moreover, in this fertile
soil Freud's one and only visit to America, which had occurred at Clark in
1909, attracted my attention. This interest opened up a new vista in my
continuing exploration of the origin and development of psychoanalysis. It
took root and grew insistently. Teaching at Clark University and using its
well-stocked Library, which had benefited from the efforts and interests of
G. Stanley Hall and his close association with its chief librarian, Louis
Wilson, led me to become truly intrigued and committed to a study of Freud's
visit, about which little was then reliably known. At the Library there were
still some brochures published in connection with the 20th anniversary
celebration, and some firsthand information about Freud's presence on the
scene was culled from a veteran librarian who still remembered the event.

Of greater significance were the discoveries I made, then and later,
concerning the correspondence between Freud and Hall that had started with
Hall's invitation to Freud to participate in the 1909 celebration. When in
1957, some years after leaving Worcester, I embarked on an active search for
these letters by writing to the then president of Clark University, Howard B.
Jefferson, he replied that these were not at Clark ; he believed they were in
the possession of Hall's son Robert, a retired pediatrician living in
Portland, Oregon. I contacted Dr. Hall, who soon replied that he had none of
the letters in question except one from Freud to his father dated 1923. In
1966 I wrote to Sigmund Freud's literary executor, his son Ernst, then living
in England, and established that Hall's letters to Freud concerning the
celebration had survived. I was able to arrange with Ernst Freud to receive
copies of these letters and he granted me permission to reproduce them if I
could also obtain permission from Hall's heirs. Ernst Freud stated that he
did not have his father's letters to G. Stanley Hall but believed that these
were in the hands of Hall's heirs or in the Clark University Archives. Hall's
son Robert gladly granted me permission to reproduce his father's letters.
But Freud's letters to Hall were nowhere to be found-not until the imminent
retirement of President Jefferson in 1967. On that occasion he made a search
of old files in the lower recesses of the administration building; he
intended to sort these materials and decide what was worth saving. In the
process he unexpectedly came upon the letters for which I had been
persistently asking him. And at the same time he discovered with them other
papers concerning the celebration that Hall had assembled for preservation.
President Jefferson sent me some of these materials and a year later I was
able to obtain photocopies of the entire cache through the kind offices of
Tilton Barron, the Clark Librarian.

During the long period over which the work for the present volume was
performed, my indebtedness has continued to grow. It has involved help in the
necessary research as well as in the preparation of it for publication.

First, there is my indebtedness to the group associated with the role of G.
Stanley Hall and of Clark University. Robert G. Hall of Portland, Oregon, the
son of G. Stanley Hall, corresponded with me from 1957 to 1970, a year before
his death. In these letters he answered numerous questions about his father's
relationship to Clark and to Freud and tried to help locate the missing
letters. After their recovery, he granted permission to quote them without
restriction. He was grateful that the contemplated book would contribute to a
revival of interest in his father's work. Howard B. Jefferson, then President
of Clark University, was patient and generous in responding to my persistent
inquires about the lost Freud/Hall correspondence. My indebtedness to him is
warmly acknowledged. The director of the University Library, Tilton M.
Barron, who had already answered numerous questions, supervised the
transmission of photocopies of the recovered documents. He also sent me
copies of photographs related to Hall and the celebration, some of which are
reproduced in this book. He was succeeded by William A. Koelsch, the
University Archivist, who, with his capable assistant Suzanne Hamel, extended
numerous courtesies. The successors of Mr. Koelsch, Stuart W. Campbell and
Dorothy E. Mosakowski, have continued to aid me with various favors. Mortimer
H. Appley, until recently President of Clark, graciously encouraged my
research. I am also grateful to an earlier President of Clark, Frederick H.
Jackson. I acknowledge with thanks the supplementary permission of Clark
University Archives to publish Hall's letters. The continuous and painstaking
cooperation of Nancy E. Gaudette, Librarian of the Worcester Collection,
Worcester Public Library, has earned my heartfelt gratitude.

Ernst L. Freud, son of Sigmund Freud and the first director of the Sigmund
Freud Copyrights, Ltd., gave formal permission to translate and publish the
letters of his father to G. Stanley Hall. He also sent photocopies of Hall's
letters to Freud from his collection before copies were discovered in the
cache. His role passed to Mark Paterson and his assistant Pat Marsden. Final
arrangements for the publication of Freud's letters were made through Mr.
Paterson. His kindness in these negotiations is sincerely appreciated.

I am particularly indebted to the late Anna Freud who, for the first time,
released to me the diary kept by her father during the 1909 journey to
America, then and now on restricted deposit at the Library of Congress. In
that connection the favors of Ronald Wilkinson, John Broderick and James
Hutson, of the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, are remembered
with gratitude.

Franz Jung, the son of C. G. Jung, conscientiously answered inquiries and
sent abstracts and excerpts of some of his father's unpublished letters from
America in 1909. He and the other Jung heirs, Kusnacht, and the C. G.
Jung-Institut, Zurich, granted permission to quote these materials. Aniela
Jaffe, Jung's personal secretary, generously replied to numerous questions
and sent me an inscribed copy of Jung's posthumously published autobiography
in the 1962 original German edition which she had compiled and edited. With
these benefits belong the courtesies of William McGuire, executive editor of
the Collected Works of Jung, including the Freud/Jung Letters.

Edmund Brill, son of A. A. Brill who was the host of Freud, Jung and Ferenczi
on their arrival and stay in New York on August 29, 1909 and the ensuing
week, granted permission to use unpublished correspondence of Freud with his
father related to the American visit and supplied information about his
mother, Rose Owen Brill. Similarly, Grant Allan, son of the Berlin
psychoanalyst Karl Abraham, made special efforts to find unpublished letters
received by his father from Freud in 1908-1909, and he sent copies of these
with permission to quote.

Edward J. Kempf and his widow Dorothy provided firsthand information and
documents concerning Kempf's visit to Freud and Hall's aid in arranging for
it. I am grateful for their favors and permission to quote.

Houghton Library, Harvard University, generously made available numerous
unpublished letters of William James. Permission to quote from these letters
was granted by the Library Director, Richard Wendorf, and by Henry J. Vaux
and Alexander R. James, descendants of William James. Permission to reproduce
the portrait of William James painted by Rand in 1910 was granted by Fogg
Museum, Harvard University. Bryn Mawr College Archives found information on
the careers of their alumnae Pauline and Susan Goldmark and granted
permission to quote. Wellesley College Archives supplied information about
their first psychology professor, Mary W. Calkins, and, in particular, her
relation to William James at Harvard. The Special Collections Division,
Nimitz Library, U. S. Naval Academy, sent me materials from the Albert A.
Michelson Papers deposited by Michelson's daughter and biographer, Dorothy
Livingston, and gave permission to use them.

Among the historians and biographers who have responded to inquiries are the
following: Heinz L. Ansbacher, an outstanding authority on the work of Alfred
Adler; Arcangelo D'Amore, historian of the American Psychoanalytic
Association; and Dorothy Ross, the biographer of G. Stanley Hall.

pps. 2-9

=====

Chapter I

Cast in Context

When in 1925, a year after the death of G. Stanley Hall and a dozen years
after Freud's breach with C. G. Jung, Sigmund Freud published his brief
autobiography, he epitomized his visit to America. G. Stanley Hall, President
of Clark University, had invited him and Jung to spend a week giving lectures
during the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the University. Hall
had introduced psychoanalysis into his courses at Clark several years
earlier. Freud continued: ". . . there was a touch of the 'king-maker' about
him, a pleasure in setting up authorities and in then deposing them. We also
met James J. Putnam there, the Harvard neurologist, who in spite of his age
was an enthusiastic supporter of psychoanalysis.... Another event of this
time which made a lasting impression on me was a meeting with William James
the philosopher. I shall never forget one little scene that occurred as we
were on a walk together.... At that time I was only 53. I felt young and
healthy, and my short visit to the new world encouraged my self-respect in
every way. In Europe I felt as though I were despised; but over there I found
myself received by the foremost men as an equal. As I stepped onto the
platform at Worcester to deliver my Five Lectures on Psycho-Analysis it
seemed like the realization of some incredible day-dream: psychoanalysis was
no longer a product of delusion, it had become a valuable part of reality."
[1]

It is thus clear that a turning point in the life of Sigmund Freud and the
history of psychoanalysis occurred by his participating in the 20th
anniversary celebration of Clark University. It constituted the first public
recognition of his professional contribution to psychology, psychiatry and
the other behavioral sciences�a recognition that in Europe had been meager
and largely negative.

The strong support since 1906 of C. G. Jung, the energetic young psychiatrist
of Zurich, Switzerland, was a marked exception, and was very encouraging to
Freud. He was therefore delighted when Jung, too, was invited a little later
to participate in the Clark sessions. A third member of the party was Sandor
Ferenczi, whom Freud invited. Ferenczi, a Hungarian, was an ardent disciple
and friend of Freud whose support was unspoiled by rivalry or personal
ambition,  Jung, an outspoken champion of Freud during the time of the
American expedition, entertained ambivalent doubts about both the doctrine
and the master, and, in the ensuing three years, these developed into an open
breach.

Hall's orientation to Freud differed from that of both the Hungarian Ferenczi
and the Swiss Jung. Though an American, Hall was well schooled in European
physiology and scientific psychology. He spent six years on the continent in
three stints, the last being primarily in Berlin and Leipzig. In the latter
city, where he worked for almost two years, he studied with Wilhelm Wundt for
two semesters just at the time when the first laboratory of experimental
psychology in the world was being established. Since he arrived there after
taking his doctor's degree at Harvard in 1878, he was a postdoctoral student.
He attended the lectures of Wundt, participated in his weekly seminar and
acted as an experimentee in the dissertation research of Wundt's first two
doctoral students in experimental psychology. He also studied during this
sojourn with such eminent physiologists as Carl Ludwig, Hermann Helmholtz and
du Bois-Reymond. While working and living in Leipzig in 1879-1880, he lived
next door to the then aged originator of psychophysics, G. T. Fechner. Hall's
Founders of Modern Psychology was a firsthand account of some of these
historic figures.[2]

But Hall had also worked during 1876-1878 with the pioneer American
philosopher and psychologist William James at Harvard University. This part
of his career appears to have been largely an unplanned interlude. As Hall
explains in his autobiography, he had left his job at Antioch College
intending to go to Europe and work with Wilhelm Wundt. But he only reached
Cambridge, where he was offered an instructorship in the English department
at Harvard. He reluctantly accepted it in the hope that he might acquire a
foothold to teach philosophy later. Hall studied philosophy and psychology
under James; under Dr. Bowditch at the medical school he performed his
dissertation research. In 1878 he was awarded the first American Ph.D. in
psychology.

Hall then carried out his earlier intention. He embarked for his second stint
in Europe, this time to work with Wundt at Leipzig. It is striking and
historically quaint to find Hall fisted as one of the four experimentees
(Reagierende) in an experiment on word association performed by one of
Wundt's doctoral candidates in 1880 and published three years later.[3] This
investigation was Wundt's follow-up of Galton's classical studies of word
association�a method that would be adapted by Jung in 1904-1906 for the first
experimental confirmation of Freud's theory of neurosis; and it was this work
that justified Jung's invitation to lecture at Clark along with Freud. In the
spring of 1909 the method played a part in the research Hall and his
assistant Amy Tanner performed on Mrs. Piper, the renowned psychical medium
who was a protege of William James. By then, however, the procedure had
evolved so far in the direction of Freud's theory that these investigators
called it "the Jung-Freud method.[4]

Hall recognized Freud as a new and powerful reinforcement of his own genetic
approach to human behavior. Like Freud, Hall derived his psychology largely
from the theory of evolution and sexual selection. Unlike William James, Hall
attributed an outstanding place to sexuality in human development. And for
this reason he welcomed Freud's publications from their earliest appearance.
Indeed, Hall had experimented with courses at Clark on the topic of human
sexuality as early as 1904, and by 1908 he was conducting a regular seminar
on the subject. His invitation to Freud to participate in the 1909
celebration was a continuation of this deep interest.

But Hall differed not only from William James but from the majority of
Freud's European colleagues who regarded the theory of infantile sexuality
and the dynamic unconscious with much skepticism. Yet Hall was by training an
experimental psychologist who had published in that vein (as well as in other
areas) as early as 1878, the year of his Ph.D. at Harvard. [5] William James,
educated in the elements of medicine but better grounded in philosophical
psychology, was not by inclination a laboratory experimenter. He introduced
instruction in experimental psychology at Harvard as early as Hall's work
there, but his own special commitment was to the field of psychical research
and parapsychology. To him, not Wilhelm Wundt but Frederic Meyers, the
champion of scientific spiritualism, was the ideal leader.[6] While Hall,
like Freud, reached down to the biogenetic roots of human behavior, James,
particularly in the last years of his life, reached up to the mystical realm
of human consciousness. There were accordingly two quite different
formulations of the nonconscious: for Freud (and Hall) there was the
"unconscious," in the sense of depth psychology; for Meyers, there was
"subliminal consciousness" of paranormal clairvoyance, telepathy and a
spiritual afterlife. The latter formulation was the one endorsed and
elaborated by James in his later writings in which he depicted the godhead as
a cosmic multiple personality.

These resemblances to and differences from Freudian theory pervaded the Clark
conference, notably in the lectures of Freud and Jung, in the brief and
informal participation of James at the conference, and in the post-conference
events at the Putnam camp in Keene Valley to which Dr. Putnam had invited
Freud, Jung and Ferenczi for a five-day sojourn. James, who had earlier owned
this camp with Bowditch and Putnam (from about 1876) was not there with the
group in September 1909, but he probably recalled his numerous associations
with the place during the short walk with Freud in Worcester that Freud
alluded to in his autobiography.

By the time of the Clark celebration in the fall of 1909 psychoanalysis had
achieved its major theoretical maturity, indicated by Freud's publications.
As Freud implied in his Clark lecture, the basic approach was already
implicit in Breuer and Freud's  Studies on Hysteria, published in 1895,[7]
and in the following year Freud first used the term "psychoanalysis"
(1896).[8] In the next decade, and in rapid succession, he published The
Interpretation of Dreams (1899), The Psychopathology of Everyday Life (1904),
Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious (1905), and Three Essays on the
Theory of Sexuality (1905). In the year of the Clark conference appeared the
first two of Freud's classical case histories:

"Analysis of a Phobia in a Five-Year-Old Boy," published in March 1909, and
"Notes upon a Case of Obsessional Neurosis," published in October. This
latter case came to be known as that of the Rat Man because of the rats in
the primary obsession of the patient.[9]

While, as already stated, Freud's theories had, in general, a mixed reception
in Europe, the response of the Swiss psychiatric group at the Burgholzli
Mental Hospital in Zurich was clearly favorable. In that setting Jung had,
beginning in 1904, performed his research on "complexes" revealed by the
word-association method. His studies were directly influenced by Freud's
theories of neurosis as a result of sexual conflict and repression. Largely
on the strength of this research the correspondence between Freud and Jung
began in 1906, and their first personal meeting occurred in Vienna in the
spring of 1907. With characteristic energy Jung soon undertook to organize
the first international conference of psychiatrists interested in Freud's
psychological theories. It convened in Salzburg, Austria, in April 1908 and
represented the first public recognition of Freud's contributions by
colleagues from several countries. In a different way the participation of
Freud and Jung at the Clark celebration was also a first�a first recognition
of Freud's contributions as significant enough to be accorded a place among
similarly outstanding contributions in other scientific fields.

What Jung had done for the Salzburg conference G. Stanley Hall did for Freud
at Clark. As a psychologist and educator he had been closely following the
publications of Freud and his disciples so that by 1908, the time of the
planning of the 20th anniversary of Clark's opening, Freud had become a
revolutionary figure for him. Though the celebration would include many other
distinguished behavioral scientists and eminent scholars in the physical,
biological and social sciences, Freud was to Hall the leading light of the
celebration. After some vacillation Freud responded in kind: Hall's
invitation came as a welcome sign of a new turn of the wheel of fortune, a
thought that he repeatedly expressed in his letters to Jung, particularly
after Jung was also invited to participate.

It should be recognized from the start that the cast introduced above was by
no means the entire array at the Clark fall celebration. In addition to Freud
and Jung, there were 27 other invited lecturers, all of whom received
honorary degrees as a token of their contributions to the fields they
represented. This fact has often been overlooked, sometimes by distinguished
historians such as E. G. Boring (1965). Complementarily, the presence of the
psychoanalysts has been stressed. In Chapter VI, indicating the full range of
the lectures, the scope of the scientific fields will be described though the
emphasis will be on the behavioral sciences. These were naturally favored by
Stanley Hall. Moreover, in keeping with the theme of this volume, indicated
by the title, the contributions by Freud and Jung will be primarily
considered, along with the response of William James to Freud's contribution,
which will be considered in detail.

It remains to note, partly from correspondence with E. G. Boring, the
preeminent historian of psychology, that the granting of special favors
extended by Hall to the psychoanalytic contributors was not accidental. To
quote from a letter received from Boring: ". . . I think it is important that
you should explain why it is that the Clark celebration got to be considered
as psychoanalytic. It was not at the time. I came into psychology [from
Cornell] in September, 1910, only a year after this celebration, and a half a
year after the publication of the papers in the AJP [American Journal of
Psychology]. We knew what was going on in the satellites and talked about it
a lot, and our impression at Cornell was that the great event at this
occasion was not the general celebration but the introduction of the
psychoanalysts to America." [10]

Repeatedly throughout this. book Hall's special interest in Freud's
psychoanalytic writings, practically from their inception in 1894, has been
noted, and his personal identification with Freud's purpose of making up for
the neglect of human sexuality in the investigations of psychologists will
become clear. As President of Clark University, Hall could, without much fear
of rebuke, indulge to some extent his own preferences, and he did so without
apology by entertaining Freud and Jung as his house guests for the duration
of their stay in Worcester. That he accorded the same courtesy to William
James made it possible for the interesting interaction between Freud and
James considered in some detail below.

--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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