-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
The Strange Death of FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
A History of the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty America's Royal Family
Emanuael M. Josephson�1948
CHEDNEY PRESS
127 East 69th Street
New York 21, N. Y.
--[16]--
CHAPTER XVI
WHY WARRING U. S. STARVED FOR SUGAR
JIMMY WRITES INSURANCE
The New Deal developed strictly along the lines of the spoils system. Since
"Charity begins at home", it was a New Deal first of all for the Roosevelt
family and second for the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty. This is perfectly
illustrated by the story of why the United States starved for sugar during
the war.
The Adams branch of the Dynasty traditionally are heavily interested in the
West Indies sugar industry. One of the cogent reasons for this patrician
family throwing in its lot with the "rabble" during the Revolutionary War
period was England's interference with the ruin, molasses and slave trade
with the West -Indies.
When Franklin Delano Roosevelt entered office the Dynasty was well
represented in its holdings in the sugar industry. "Cousin" Frederick B.
Adams, in addition to his interests in the munition. industry signalized by
his position of Chairman of the Board of the Air Reduction Company and
Director of the Remington Arms Company, held many key positions in the sugar
industry including: Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Atlantic Fruit
and Sugar Company, President of the Cuban Dominican Sugar Company, President
of the Santa Ana Sugar Company, Director of the Sugar Estates of Oriente,
President of the Barhona Sugar Corporation, and President of the Tanamo Sugar
Corporation; subsequently he became President of the West Indies Sugar
Company. "Cousin" Charles Francis Adams, whose interests ran more to local
utilities and to shipbuilding and naval construction, represented the Dynasty
in only two sugar companies as Director of the American Sugar Refining
Company and Director of the Central Aguirre Sugar Company. Robert C. Adams
was Director of the Warner Sugar Company. In short the Dynasty was more than
a little interested in sugar. Also interested in sugar were the
Rockefeller-Morgan clique and the National City Bank.
The sugar industry at this time was in a state verging on bankruptcy and the
condition of the West Indies companies was particularly bad. In a commercial
Dynasty such as the Roosevelt-Delano, this called for prompt action.
Roosevelt's action was particularly prompt. The New Dealers deliberately
conspired to destroy the American sugar industry and to favor the West Indies
sugar industry.
In the course of the 1932 campaign Hoover had accused Roosevelt of planning
to injure the American farmer, among other things, by lowering tariffs.
Roosevelt denied the charges. But a year later, his Secretary of Agriculture,
Henry Wallace, began, on behalf of the Dynasty, the campaign to destroy the
continental American sugar industry on special behalf of the West Indies and
Latin American industry. On July 31, 1934, Wallace pronounced in a speech to
farmers at the free Chatauqua held on the campus of the Louisiana Poly.
technic Institute, Ruston, Louisiana, what Charles A. Farwell, executive of
the American Sugar Cane League called "Wallace's death sentence on
Louisiana's sugar industry." Wallace pronounced according to the report in
the Times-Picayune published on that date and quoted, December 1938, by the
journalistic genius, Meigs Frost, in a masterly series of articles in the New
Orleans State,
"Sugar is an inefficient industry. I am willing to say that in
Louisiana where sugar is produced ... "I do not believe the Louisiana sugar
or any other inefficient industry should be put out of business all at once.
That would be hard on human right. But it should be exposed gradually to the
winds of world commerce."
That Wallace was assigned by his Dynastic masters to accomplish some
particularly vicious dirty work, is revealed by the testimony given
previously by one of his subordinates, A. J. S. Weaver, before the House
Committee on Agriculture, February 23, 1934 (quoted from the Government
report):
"Hope: Well then in other words, the policy is eliminating the (continental
American) sugar industry before it gets any bigger. Am I correct in that
assumption?
"Weaver: Yes, if you mean limiting the industry. I think that is a reasonable
statement.
"Cummings: Is it a reasonable assumption that the object of the bill
(Representatives Bill No. 7907: Includes Sugar and Sugar Cane as Basic
Commodities) then is to give us a kind of shot in the arm and put us out of
business while we are partly unconscious?
"Weaver: Yes.
"McCandless, of Hawaii: What is it, do you believe, will destroy our sugar
production?
"Weaver: Reduction in price and reduction in tariff.
"McCandless: If it had not been for the protection and holding up of the
sugar industry in the United States, would we not be at the mercy of foreign
countries for our sugar?
"Weaver: Oh that is conceivable and there is some danger in that.
"McCandless: And has not the sugar industry employed thousands and thousands
of men in the United States?
"Weaver: Well a great amount of labor is employed, Yes ... But the total in
terms of seasonal employment even is ... I should say�not significant, but I
hesitate to call its total important. Furthermore it is quite possible that
by producing sugar we have robbed ourselves of the chances to employ men to
produce goods which we might have traded for sugar, if we had not employed
them.
"McCandless: We have now 8,000,000 or 9,000,000 unemployed men, is that not
so?
"Weaver: That is right.
"McCandless: Would we not have more if we destroyed the sugar industry?
"Weaver: Well the sugar industry is not in immediate danger of being
destroyed.
But the American Sugar Cane League officially presented convincing evidence
that the danger of destiuction of the American sugar industry was imminent
and was deliberately planned and clearly indicated in Sec. retary Henry
Wallace's acts affecting the Louisiana sugar industry. They stated:
"The federal wage-hour law specifically exempts agricultural labor from its
provisions. But the complicated Sugar Act, passed September 1, 1937, supposed
to be for the salvation of the American sugar industry gives the U. S.
Secretary of Agriculture power to rule on cane field wages and hours; the
only agricultural industry in which the United States government has power to
dictate wages and hours. It provides that the Secretary of Agriculture can do
so only after a public hearing. Secretary Wallace has adopted the policy of
holding two such public hearings a year.
"In the midst of the sugar-cane harvest of 1937, when Louisiana sugar growers
were fighting tooth and -toe nail to get their crop harvested before freezes
followed by warm weather could ruin it, when men were being cut off from W.
P. A. pay rolls and rushed like armies into the cane fields, Secretary
Wallace called a hearing on sugar cane harvest wages. Harried sugar plant.
ers had to stop work to prepare briefs, attend and testify. Then, when the
harvest was virtually over, and some 1,000,000 tons of sugar cane had been
ruined, caught by freeze and thaw in the fields, in December
1937, Secretary Wallace issued his rulings on cane field harvest wages for
that same season-and made them retroactive clear back to September 1, 19371
Sugar cane planters stood under federal orders to look up men long since
finished with their job, often scattered far and wide, and pay them
additional back pay ordered by Secretary Wallace. There were penalties for
violation of those orders. It was a situation said to be without precedent in
American agriculture. Some $250,000 in back pay was involved, for thousands
of workers in small amounts.
"Sugar cane planting starts each year in September and October. But in
February, 1938, Secretary Wallace ordered a hearing on cane planting wages
for the planting season finished long before the hearing was called. The
hearing was held. Secretary Wallace's rulings didn't come out until June,
1938, the "lay-by" period in sugar growing, when cane field labor mostly has
gone fishing, or is scattered anywhere. And again it was a retroactive
ruling, causing the Louisiana plant. ers as much trouble and expense as if
that had been its purpose, which some of the League officials say they
believe it was.
"Planting of the 1939 sugar cane harvest started as usual in September, 1938.
So Secretary Wallace waited until September 27, 1938, when many of the
planters had completed their planting, to call a hearing at Baton Rouge, La.,
to determine how many acres each sugar cane grower would be permitted to
plant-on a crop that, many of them already had finished planting! The
Department of Agriculture men holding the hear. ing discovered that many
planters had finished planting their crop by October 1, and that some for
varied reasons had lagged behind. So a ruling was issued giving preferential
status to the growers who had finished their planting by October 1, 1938.
What was described as 'only a tentative quota ruling' was made by Secretary
Wallace. He set a deadline of November 14, 1938, for sugar cane growers to
file formal notice that they elected to keep the acreage they had planted by
October 1, 1938. Department of Agriculture employes are compiling those
notices yet. Secretary Wallace has indicated in a public announcement that a
quota cut of up to 25 per cent is possible. No man knows just when the
official ax may fall.
"The result, officials of the American Sugar Cane League point out, is that
thousands of Louisiana sugar -growers, after every effort to comply with the
Federal law, don't know to this day whether the acreage they have planted is
legal or not."
(Editor's note: It was the object of the Dynasty through the New Deal to
place all business except their own in a status of illegality through a
constantly changing flow of arbitrary edicts by bureaucratic agencies. With
all business forced to resort to bootlegging, "Black Markets" and other
activities that were made illegal, blackmailing of industry and crushing
competition became simple.)
"'If it is not, Secretary Wallace has a stick to hit you on the head with,'
says Mr. Farwell. 'All he needs to say is: "You're going to lose your benefit
payments if you don't plough under every furrow of sugar cane you've planted
in excess of this quota I'm giving you after the planting season is over."
Under present con. ditions in this government-bedevilled industry, if you
lose your benefit payments, your've got to quit. And nobody in Louisiana
knows when Secretary Wallace's official ax is likely to swing.'"
In the Harvard Business Review of Autumn 1938, John E. Dalton, former high
Federal official with wide authority in sugar affairs, in an article entitled
"Federal Sugar Control", wrote:
"The outstanding feature of this enormous American sugar machine is that it
is under the immediate direction of the Federal government. No other industry
in the United States, excepting perhaps public utilities, experiences such a
high degree of government control, a control extending to output, prices,
agricultural practices, and labor conditions."
"'And all this power,' points out Mr. Farwell, 'is in the hands of one man,
Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace, open and avowed enemy, by the
printed, uncontradicted record, of continental American sugar as an
industry."'
However, Wallace's harassment of the Louisiana sugar growers and his
employment on them of the New Deal "lettres de cachet", confiscatory
retroactive wage and acreage ruling, that were as dishonest as they were
doubly un-Constitutional and un-Arnerican�for they confiscated property
without the due process and made a man retroactively guilty of violating a
law which did not exist at the time of the act-do not fill the whole picture
of the conspiracy.
The Department of Agriculture through education of the sugar growers and
development of new strains, bad brought about a ten-fold increase in
production of sugar in Louisiana, from 45,000 to 450,000 tons per year; and
the per acre yield had been more than doubled. The Resettlement Division of
the Department of Agriculture had brought back thousands of acres into
production. A pretentious sugar experimental station had been built by the
Department at Houma. The Government had engineered the building and putting
into operation of seven new co-operative mills in which five million dollars
had been invested, 60% by the government and 40% by the sugar growers.
Employment was increased and wages rose. All this was done for the purpose of
increasing employment in the sugar industry.
While these developments were under way Roosevelt proceeded to lower the
price of sugar, by lowering the tariff on Cuban sugar produced with cheap
labor, from $2.10 to 90� per hundred pounds. Pawn Wallace, in the meantime,
had forced the 40% reduction in acreage planted under a pretendedly
"voluntry" plan. It was laden with coercion and intimidation by "marketing
licenses" which made the sale of "nonassented" cane impossible. He also
threatened an additional retroactive 25% cut in acreage, or ploughing under
of the cane after the crop had been planted and the expenses incurred; and
imposed retroactive wage increases. Simultaneously, the Dynasty's and their
Wall Street allies' agent, Cuban dictator, Col. Fulgencia Batista, visited
Washington at their behest, and on leaving announced that he had made a deal,
on the basis of which he predicted that Congress would reduce the tariff on
Cuban sugar from 900 to 750 per hundred pounds and increase the quota
admitted. Shortly thereafter Wallace issued a false statement of the type
that are so dear to New Deal commodity speculators of the Barney Baruch type,
which forced the price of sugar down 25 points to the lowest reached in the
depression.
No move was overlooked in the effort to depress the price of sugar or to
bankrupt the Louisiana and other continental American producers. Peru was
permitted to ship 50,000 tons of sugar to the United States on a deal that
involved the Grace interests. Peru was so completely a newcomer in the field
of sugar that she had not the machinery to grind the cane. It could not be
pretended even that this deal stimulated the Unit. ed States heavy
industries. For with funds supplied by the U. S. taxpayer, Peru bought the
grinding machinery from the Krupps in Nazi Germany in order to be able to
ship the sugar into the American market and further depress it.
The pattern of the Dynasty's plotting in sugar makes its objective obvious.
They were utilizing every device to expand and bankrupt the American sugar
growers so that they could take over their holdings and build up a complete
monopoly. In the meantime their enor. mous profits in the West Indies
industry, which were gained in the process of bankrupting the American
industry, would help to pay for the purchase of the latter at a forced sale.
The outcome of these maneuvers was increased unemployment and a reduction of
the continental American sugar production to less than 25% of our depression
needs. At a time when war was th[r]eatening, the United States was made
completely dependent for its sugar on overseas sources. The seriousness of
the situation and the threats that it offered were clearly and prophetically
portrayed by Clarence J. Bourg, President of the American Sugar Cane League
in an address before the New Orleans Association of Commerce, December 1,
1938, quoted from Meigs Frost's report in the New Orleans States of the
following day:
"Let us consider another national program. In the past several weeks we have
read from day to day dispatches speaking about war. Preparedness is the
watch. word of the Administration. I am no alarmist and have no intention of
stirring people to the fear of war, but the Federal Government is using every
element of its propaganda machine to justify the expenditure of billions of
dollars for the purpose of building armaments In the cause of preparedness.
We subscribe to and support this program of national defense but we point out
that armaments and guns and battleships are not the only sinews of war.
People must eat whether they be soldiers or civilians back home. What has
that got to do with sugar? Almost every day we read where the Japs have told
the American government in so many words to jump in the ocean and that
suggests there might be a war with Japan. If there is a war with Japan, of
what possible good will the Philippine Islands be as a source of supply of
sugar? Do you think that a cargo of Philippine sugar will ever reach the
United States when they are as far away as the Japanese themselves. And then
there is Hawaii in the middle of the Pacific Ocean where they can be easily
surrounded by submarines and airplanes. The possibility of our receiving
sugar from Hawaii in times of war could not be relied upon. Now there are two
million tons of sugar from Hawaii and the Philippines that we depend upon as
our source of supply. But suppose the Japanese are content to confine
them-selves to Chinese invasion. On the Atlantic side we have Hitler to
contend with. I do not want to arouse alarm about Hitlerism, but the American
government is sufficiently concerned to send its Secretary of State down to
Peru to have an international conference, the purpose of which is to build up
a united defense in the Western Hemisphere. Suppose Hitler does make war on
the Atlantic side. Of what good will Puerto Rico be as a source of supply?
Yes, of what good will Cuba be with the submarines and the airplanes doing
their diabolical work? We depend on those two is- lands for three million
tons of sugar. Two million, tons on one side, three million tons on the other
side and only two million tons allowed to be produced in the United States.
And supposing the Germans and Japs get together and make war on both sides.
What is the answer?"
It is to the everlasting credit of the Louisiana cane growers that they spoke
up and fought despite very real fears of reprisals. But it availed them
little.
During all this time that the continental American sugar growers were being
forced to the wall by a treacherous and traitorous conspiracy by Government
officials acting on behalf of American controlled foreign interests, the West
Indies sugar industry had enjoyed a subsidy paid by the U. S. taxpayers of
$119,000,000 and had flourished and profited enormously. This is made clear
by "Cousin" Fred B. Adam's report of the West Indies Sugar Corporation
November 16, 1937:
"The statistics set forth above (year's gross income, $9,270,094.18; year's
final net profit, $909,714.16, and others, including 'your corporation has no
current indebtness save that contracted in the usual routine of business')
present such a marked contrast to the conditions existing in the industry
five years ago (1932, when a Republican administration sat in Washington)
that it is fitting at this time to make some acknowledgement of the part
played by the Administration at Washington in effecting this change. It was
the example of the United States in bringing about more satisfactory
conditionss[sic] through the establishment of production and import quotas of
sugars . . . The role played by the government, therefore . . . has become
,one of great importance. So much so that government policies today do more
than any other single factor to preserve or upset the balance between the
varied interests of the industry . . . "
"Cousin" Fred's tribute to "Cousin" Franklin's help and cooperation is
patent. It is notable that the West Indies Sugar Corporation alone was
permitted to send into the United States more sugar (319,425 bags) than all
the growers of the State of Florida were permitted to produce under the quota
allowed them; also that in 1938, Wallace listed Cuba for a quota of 1,954,303
tons and Louisiana for 429,553 tons.
The consequences for the nation of this traitorous conspiracy were
inevitable. Clarence Bourg's prediction were completely fulfilled. On the eve
of the war, the U. S. had ben deprived by a treasonous conspiracy of even her
barest needs of sugar, a vital food and chemical raw material, just as by
similar conspiracies she had been deprived of rubber, tin, oil, scrap iron
and other vital war materials, exactly as is being done -today once again in
the face of another war. Fortunately for the nation, Wallace had not
succeeded in carrying out his Dynastic bosses' orders to completely destroy
the "inefficient" American sugar industry, or we certainly would have starved
literally and lost the war.
The Dynasty is quite loyal in dealing with its own, and invariably there is a
"pay-off", direct or indirect. While thousands of workers in the American
sugar industry were thrown out of work, and the American people were being
doomed to starve for sugar, when war had come, James Roosevelt was collecting
fat dividends on the service that his father's Administration had rendered
the West Indies sugar industry. In an interview which he gave Walker
Davenport of Collier's Magazine, that was published in the August 27, 1938
issue under a facsimile of the "crown prince's" signature, captioned "I'm
Glad You Asked Me", James Roosevelt stated:
"We got the contract with the West Indies Sugar Company because its
president, F. B. Adams is my cousin. And we did a good job too."
Though "Prince" James was immodest in claiming full credit for the job, it
must be acknowledged that it was "a good job", in the sense of thoroughness,
that was done in ruining the continental American sugar industry and in
sugar-starving and endangering the security of the nation. It must have been
a great comfort to Americans hungering for sugar to know that Jimmy was
collecting commissions on Cuban sugar company insurance policies.
Florida alone could supply the sugar needs of the United States. But the New
Deal had blocked the development of Floridas sugar industry to an even great.
er extent than it has throttled Louisiana's. With war once again on hand,
national safety demands that continental United States shall be made
independent of any off-shore sources.
An investigation of each and every phase of the New Deal Agricultural
Allotment plan, represented as Roosevelt's boon to farmers, would reveal
exactly the same type of devious subsidy of speculators and finan. cial
interests, allied with the Dynasty. And in each case there could be found a
similar "pay-or'.
Anent the club which Jimmy wielded in building up his insurance business,
Hamilton Fish relates an illuminating story. He relates that, though he
himself is in the insurance business, he took Jimmy to the of. fice of
President Gifford of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company and urged
the wisdom of giving some of the A. T. T. insurance business.
"You know who that is, don't you!', Fish told Gifford.
"Yes", Gifford replied.
"Well, it is a good thing to have a friend in court", Fish advised.
Gifford refused to permit blackmailing his Company. Shortly thereafter an
investigation of the A. T. T. was launched.
Even Jimmy's "liberalism" was bought and paid for according to Robert W.
Kenny. He stated in an A.P. dispatch dated September 6, 1947,
"In 1946, Mr. Roosevelt was paid $25,000 to support progressive candidates,
but he was too busy selling insurance to make more than a few perfunctory
appearances."
However loyal F. D. R., and his New Deal, may have been to the Dynasty and
its financial supporters in the matter of sugar, it is obvious that he was
equally disloyal, or traitorous, to his "solid Democratic" Louisiana voters.
But he felt, no doubt, that there was no need to court even with promise an
electorate stupidly loyal to him, even while he was engaged in betraying them.
The same pattern was repeated ad infinitum and ad nauseam in all the various
industries in which the Dynasty and its financial supports were interested.
In the interest of kinsman William C. Clayton, of Anderson, Clayton and
Company, and their foreign cotton monopolies (that had been built up with the
aid of Roosevelt and the Dynasty during World War I) the cotton growers of
the South were betrayed and bankrupted by the New Deal in even worse fashion
than were the sugar growers. Indeed, it can be said without much fear of
contradiction that in times of need President Franklin Delano Roosevelt was
the worst enemy the South ever had.
Though the Democratic and Republican branches of the Dynasty make a great
display of animosity to the public, behind the scenes they cooperate very
amicably in raiding the Treasury. The Roosevelt Steamship Company, Inc. is an
excellent example of such cooperation. Kermit Roosevelt, Republican son of
Theodore Roosevelt was its President and Director; he also served as Director
of the American Line Steamship Corporation, President and Director of the
United States Lines Company, and Vice President and Director of the United
States Lines Operations Inc. Vincent Astor, nephew and close intimate of
President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and heavy contributor to his campaign
funds, was also Director in the same companies. Until the Dynasty and
Democratic Senators raised objections, in the early days of the New Deal,
that the pub. lic might grow suspicious of the association and for. bade it,
F. D. R. spent most of his weekends on Vincent Astor's yacht, the Nourmahal.
Archibald B. Roosevelt, partner of Roosevelt and Sons, was also Di. rector of
Roosevelt Steamship Company.
The dealings of the Roosevelt Steamship Company and the other lines
controlled by the group with United States Shipping Board under the terms
that were most amazingly generous to them, have cost the American taxpayers
enormously. The City of Rayville, for instance had two Busch diesel engines
replaced on one trip at a cost of over half a million dollars, at the expense
of the taxpayers. The Shipping Board paid the bill, the Company collected the
revenue. How many millions were drained out of the U. S. Treasury by the
relative "enemies" of Roosevelt make interesting though disgusting reading.
But they are an eloquent commentary on the sham enmity between the two
branches of the Dynasty, faked to ensure that they will continue in power no
matter which political party wins elections
pps. 181-194
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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