-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
Revelations of an International Spy
I. T. T. Lincoln
Robert M. McBride & Company�1916
New York
--[4b]--
It was here that we had our secret meeting with one of the adjutants of King
Frederick VIII, Count K____. I vividly remember Count K___, tall, slim, of
military bearing, which was accentuated by his exceptionally high and stiff
collar (he came in civil dress). He was always faultlessly dressed, according
to the latest London fashion, even to the single eyeglass. He looked as if he
had just been turned out of some high-class Bond Street establishment. He was
a pompous man with a tremendous self-esteem. He used to talk to us on
international matters like a schoolmaster to his boys, much to our amusement
and profit. The great advantage in Secret Service, of dealing with a
vain-glorious man, is obvious. He is fair game for the practised interrogator
when he is full of himself, his favorite topic.
>From the Count I learned many things. The negotiations proceeding between
England and Russia were proceeding slowly for three reasons: The first was
Persia, the second reason was the antagonistic viewpoints, the third was the
Dardanelles. Russia was quite willing to enter into a general treaty with
England, but wanted to give it a more definite character than Grey could do
on account of the House of Commons and the Cabinet. Grey's standpoint was
that public opinion in England would not at that time support or even permit
more than a treaty removing differences and "Reibungsflache." But he let it
be understood in St. Petersburg that this treaty might and should become the
basis of a wide arrangement. Russia, just worsted by Japan, wanted Persia as
her sphere of influence, and an alliance, or at any rate, a military
convention. She also wanted free hand on the Balkans or a promise of
Constantinople.
Grey's reply was as follows: He could not possibly plead in the House of
Commons for a treaty handing over Persia to Russia; indeed, he anticipated
difficulties in any case. He then suggested a division of Persia into three
spheres, Russian, neutral, and British; it being clearly understood that
Russia was to have a free hand for Pacific penetration in her sphere. As far
as the Balkans were concerned, it should not be included in the treaty at
all, as that would rouse Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey. It might,
indeed, prompt these Powers to wage a war for the protection of their
interests, and, as yet, they (France, Russia, and England) were not ready. It
might furthermore arouse the suspicion of Roumania�then a distrusting
neighbor of Russia�and the other Balkan States. Again, the deflection of
Italy from the Triple Alliance not yet being complete, owing to divergence of
opinion between France and Italy on Mediterranean questions, this question
should be held over, it being understood that Great Britain would support the
Russian hegemony in the Balkans. But Russia should try to get closer to
Italy, which she did.
Do you remember the Tzar's visit to the King of Italy?[1][ 1.This is by no
means a summary of what Grey said in my own words but is a resume of what
Grey actually said and wrote to several British Ambassadors in his
despatches.]
Constantinople was also to be left out for the same reasons. Russia, humbled
and beaten by Japan, accepted these promises. It was on this basis that the
negotiations went on. It is therefore evident that Grey deceived the House of
Commons and the people of Great Britain. The treaty negotiated with Russia
was meant by him to serve as a blind�behind it lay his further warlike
preparations to settle accounts with Germany, Russia to be thrust into the
Balkans, no mention of military matters to be made in the treaty, but
relegated to the secret military missions�this is how Grey circumvented the
opposition, the distrust of parliament.
There was a strong anti-English party in St. Petersburg, working against the
consummation of this anti-German policy. They were not unwilling to enter
into a treaty with England to remove rivalry and friction, but they were not
willing to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for England. One of their
papers, the Nasha Zhizn, thus spoke on the 4th of July, 1906: "The Russian
people would welcome a peaceful alliance with Great Britain. She sees,
however, in the attitude of the British towards Russia only a desire to
isolate Germany." This was the comprehensive scheme confirmed by Mr. Wyndham.
to enlist Italy and the Balkans.
It can be truthfully said that Grey is responsible for converting the
German-Russian friendship of centuries standing into an acute rivalry and
antagonism. He brought Russia from the Far East, he pushed Russia into the
Balkans, his policy unleashed the mad dogs of Panslavism. Just a word to my
readers. I have made just now, and in prior chapters, sensational statements
of exceptional gravity, claiming for them absolute authenticity. I have made
a challenge and a proposal in my Preface. Meanwhile, I ask them to suspend
their judgment, if they are unable or unwilling to believe that Grey and
Edward VII could have been guilty of such enormities.
I spent five weeks in Copenhagen, during which I came frequently in touch
with another odd chap, whom I shall call Rosenkranz. Herr Rosenkranz was a
German, traveling ostensibly for a German "Baedeker" publishing house. In
reality, forts, fortifications, guns, and other kindred subjects had a
remarkable fascination for him, not to forget the exceedingly pretty girls of
Copenhagen. We became quite friendly. Indeed, when after my successful
sojourn in Copenhagen I took the night express to Hamburg I was seen off at
the station by my two friends, Monsieur M.___ and Herr
Rosenkranz. Do they remember it? Monsieur M___ absolutely insisted on my
taking a box of his cigars with me and altogether it was a hearty send-off. I
retired to my sleeping compartment well pleased with myself. Next morning I
was in Hamburg, where I met "D." After spending two days in Hamburg, I
returned to London. Three weeks afterwards I found myself in the superb
apartments of Herr Rosenkranz in Berlin, facing the Thiergarten.
My meeting with "D" in Hamburg came about this way. He wrote me a letter,
telling me he was going to Nauheim, and if I could tell him when I might
finish in Copenhagen, he would arrange his trip accordingly and we could meet
somewhere in Germany. I suggested Hamburg, for I was anxious to get back to
Brussels as soon as possible�Mr. Rowntree having grown rather impatient about
my inactivity in Copenhagen. Now Hamburg is on the direct route to Copenhagen
and Brussels. I got to Hamburg on the morrow after I left Copenhagen and
called upon "D," who was staying in the Hotel Viel-Jahreszeiten.
"D" a true patriot of Britain, a man of lofty ideals and of deep convictions,
was visibly pained at my disclosure of the activities of his king and Sir
Edward Grey. For him the peace, progress, and happiness of the world was
conditional upon an entente between England and Germany and France, to which
in time he hoped the United States of America would belong as a "sleeping
partner," or, as he remarked to me, an "approving and benevolent bystander."
"Lincoln," he said, with a grave countenance, " your intelligence is ominous,
portending a catastrophe for the world." It should be borne in mind that the
public, that Europe as a whole, knew nothing of these feelers and
negotiations. Indeed, if published, it would have met in Great Britain with
unqualified disapproval, yea, condemnation, whilst the whole world would have
looked upon it as a grotesque piece of hallucination of disordered brains.
"D" expressed deep obligation for my successful report and made significant
use of it.
Sir Edward Grey will now know what those articles in certain organs of the
British press meant and whence they came.
"What a hollow phrase democratic government, parliamentary government, is!"
said he, "when a single minister has the power and opportunity of thus
deceiving his country and committing it to a policy of which it knows
-nothing but which it sincerely detests. Before leaving London, I spoke to
A___, B___, and C___, and they certainly knew nothing of any such details of
the Anglo-Russian negotiations."
I subsequently learned from him that these three cabinet ministers, when they
had reviewed "D's" version of my report, not knowing of course whence it
came, pronounced it unbelievable. They made personal inquiries of Grey and
official inquiries in the Cabinet meetings. Does Sir Edward Grey remember it?
My information, however, was brushed aside by Grey with a bland smile and
with lame excuses. After our conversation, "D" and I took a ferry boat on the
Alster, and going to the Uhlenhorster Fahrhaus, we had our lunch. He left for
Nauheim in the afternoon, whilst I left for Brussels in the evening. In
Brussels I found most of the diplomats away upon their annual holiday, so I
left for England and York, Mr. Rowntree's home. In October I was back in
Brussels after a brief visit in Germany, putting the finishing touches on my
report which covered these important questions:
1. Had England or France entered into an alliance and what was its scope?
2. The purport of the conversations in Windsor Castle in the last week of
January between Edward VII, Sir Francis Bertie, Sir Charles Hardinge, and
Monsieur Paul Cambon, the French Ambassador?
3. What was going on between England and Russia?
4. What was the meaning of the Congo Agitation?
5. What was discussed and decided in Paris in March during King Edward's
incognito visit?
Before giving the replies to these questions, I should like to make two
observations. I have previously mentioned the sources of my
information�giving even names wherever possible. Besides, I am reproducing
photographically letters which at any rate show that I have been in personal
touch with the prime movers in the international game of intrigue and
counter-intrigue. I must be excused from not mentioning names of those high
permanent officials in Copenhagen, Brussels and Paris, who were the real
sources of my information. It is, of course, quite obvious that to do this
would result in the direst consequences for those concerned.
My other observation is this. The reader, being told that I had to find out
what was discussed behind closed doors in Windsor Castle, might think that I
am wandering into the realms of fiction. As a matter of fact the diplomatic
spy has nothing more important to find out than these conversations. As I
have already shown, and will prove it still further, policies are plotted and
carried out and the wires are continually being pulled by a small coterie of
people. Hence, to unearth the hidden moves of secret diplomacy one has to get
the knowledge of what is discussed behind closed doors. How then does a
diplomatic spy get the gist of these secret pourparlers?
First of all, I had to be continually on the lookout for information that
would indicate the meeting of any secret conclaves. Sometimes a hint like
this in the newspapers put me on their track: "His Excellency, Sir Francis
Bertie, British Ambassador to the French Republic, arrived in London last
night," or something similar often gave me the premonitory symptom. Again
when King Edward VII arrives in Paris; or the Kaiser meets the Tzar, the
diplomatic spies of all governments are immediately mobilized. For, by hook
or by crook, they must all know the portent of these meetings. The meeting
between Edward VII and the Tzar Nicholas at Reval in 1908, their schemes
affecting the Balkans, particularly Macedonia, had more to do with the
immediate outbreak of the Young Turk Revolution than even Abdul Hamid Is
intended disciplinary punishment of Enver Bey.
However, these all belong in the category of advertised meetings. Much more
frequent are the secret meetings of which nothing is said in the newspapers,
and about which nothing is known except by a few people in each of the
capitals. For instance, when intrigues were going on to unite Holland and
Belgium in a defensive alliance called "entente commerciale," when Sir
Fairfax Cartwright sent secret reports to King Edward VII and to the Foreign
Office about his pet schemes for detaching Bavaria from the German
Confederation. Schemes were being hatched, plans were elaborated, for a
common military and naval policy of England and France directed against
Germany, and many other secret things. How did I get wind of these things?
Did I employ the same ingenious methods as the enterprising New York
journalist who wants to break down the habitual reticence of Mr. Murphy?
Perhaps�certain stubborn obstacles confront both of us: the men highest up do
not and will not talk�the lesser chieftains must provide the key.
I kept at all times in close touch with the highest permanent officials and
their clerical subordinates in the three or four different chancelleries, my
ratio of probable discovery was then one in three.
When Edward VII or any other sovereign discussed something vital with his
ambassadors, or with other sovereigns, a full summary of it is filed away for
future reference in Downing Street. This is number one. Each interested
government is immediately confidentially notified; in this case, France, by
her own ambassador, who was present. This is filed away in the Palais d'Orsay
in Paris. Here is opportunity number two. In addition, the Belgian Minister
in London-being vitally interested in these questions�asks Sir Edward for
information. If he is not given it, he will find it out by other methods and
report to his government; filed away at Brussels. This makes number three.
And so forth, granted that not every government gets the full story�not even
the most directly interested, sometimes�yet we pretty well know what has been
withheld. Indeed, as I explained at the very outset, it is these
conversations in private which constitute the chief item of interest for the
diplomatic espionage. It is in these private and "irresponsible"
conversations that policies are determined and plans decided upon, even in
the most "democratic" countries. Cabinets are there to sanction, not to
initiate, policies. If it were not so, Great Britain and Germany would not be
at war to-day. Even British cabinet ministers will find many revelations in
this book and proofs that they have been hoodwinked by King Edward VII, Sir
Edward Grey, Sir Charles Hardinge, Sir Francis Bertie, Lord Esher, Sir
Valentine Chirol, and others. Now to the questions!
Did England or France, under the influence of the Morocco crisis of last year
and the Algeciras conference of this (1906), contemplate an alliance? If so,
what was to be its scope?
Yes, this was agreed upon, but not on paper. These facts, understandings, and
unwritten agreements may be likened to the nebulous matter or star dust of
the ancient theory of the earth's revolution, when each little planet had its
own orbit but gradually thickened, took on a more definite shape and
substance, and gaining in velocity until it gradually came into collision
with another similar nebulous matter or star dust, uniting with it and
forming one big fact�a new planet.
Consequently, if by an alliance is meant a written treaty, signed by the
respective plenipotentiaries and ratified by parliament, then there was no
alliance between England and France existing or contemplated. But if an
alliance meant a close understanding between two governments on certain
well-defined points; if it meant that common reciprocal or concerted action
were provided for certain contingencies, political and military; if it meant
that minute military and naval dispositions, strategical and tactical, were
worked out in detail by a joint commission of military and naval experts;
then there did exist an alliance between England and France directed against
Germany. Nothing was signed, but everything was agreed upon. Nothing was put
into a hard and fast treaty of alliance, but, nevertheless, everything was
put down on paper in the form of memoranda and war (naval and military)
schemes and plans and orders.
All these memoranda., notes, plans, exist in the secret archives of the War
Office and Admiralty and Foreign Office in London and corresponding offices
in Paris. And the alliance was made in this form in order to obviate the
necessity of disclosing this criminal, murderous, and suicidal policy to the
Cabinet, and to Parliament, both of which were against such a policy. This is
a very startling and sensational statement, incriminating Great Britain
before history and posterity.
I know that I am speaking the truth; my information comes directly and
indirectly from firsthand sources, and not in a few instances I saw the
documents in question. If the committee suggested in the Preface will be
called into being, and they will be given unrestricted power and opportunity,
they will find all my statements contained in this book as absolutely and
substantially correct. But I specifically call the attention of the proposed
Commission to the fact that these documents and memoranda were never
"official." This was done in order to enable Grey and Asquith to publicly
deny their existence. But they exist not only at the Admiralty and War
Office, but at the Foreign Office as well�amongst the non-official secret
documents. There was an anti-German, a deliberately anti-German, alliance
agreed upon between France and England, and it was decided to enlarge it by
buying Russia into it by the surrender of Northern Persia, Northern
Manchuria, Mongolia, and the Balkans, and eventually Constantinople.
The "comprehensive" scheme agreed upon included the following program:
1. The inclusion of Russia to be preceded by an Anglo-Russian agreement.
2. Belgium and Holland to conclude a defensive entente.
3. The Balkan States to be united in order to have their help.
4. Denmark to be won over to a friendly neutrality, growing into actual
support during the war against Germany after decisive successes.
5. To detach Italy from the Triple Alliance.
6. To detach Austria from the Triple Alliance, or, failing this, to detach
Hungary from Austria.
7. To embark on naval and military preparations and then, when all above are
accomplished, to make war on Germany.
Sir Francis Bertie, Sir Charles Hardinge, Sir Arthur Nicholson, were
members of the inner ring of King Edward VII, and they were given the most
important diplomatic posts to spin the web of intrigue against Germany. Sir
Fairfax Cart-wright was scheming in Munich, as Minister to Bavaria, on the
hopeless task of deflecting Bavaria from the German Federation and to join
Austria. Let the proposed commission call for his secret reports from
Munich-mostly. to Ed-ward instead of to the Foreign Office. Edward VII was so
convinced of the feasibility of Sir Fairfax's scheme that in 1908 he
transferred him as Ambassador to Vienna, where he continued his intrigues in
the same direction, until Great Britain received a friendly hint from the
Ballplatz�Foreign Office in Vienna�that his recall would be welcome.
It was decided to humiliate Germany at the Algeciras Conference. Italy had
already been won over previously by giving her Tripoli and promising her
concessions in Somaliland, Abyssinia, and Asia Minor. Italy promised to
participate with 500,000 men in France on the side of the Entente should war
be the result of the conference. The same year the Anglo-Franco-Italian
Abyssinian Agreement was signed. The support of Russia was won over by
actively continuing the Anglo-Russian negotiations at Algeciras, which were
commenced in 1904 (after Entente Cordiale) but were interrupted by the
Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905).
Not only had Sir Arthur Nicholson, British Ambassador at Madrid and Great
Britain's chief plenipotentiary at the Algeciras Conference, frequent and
secret discussions with Count Cassini, Russia's chief plenipotentiary at the
conference, but Edward VII sent specially his trusted friend Sir Donald
Mackenzie Wallace to Algeciras actively to continue negotiations with Count
Cassini, and subsequently he sent him to St. Petersburg on the same errand.
This is how Edward and Grey made politics behind the back of the Cabinet and
the Parliament of England. Sir Arthur Nicholson, at the termination of the
conference, was transferred from the Madrid to the St. Petersburg Embassy and
subsequently to the Foreign Office in London as Permanent Under-Secretary of
Foreign Affairs.
You see the thread that is running through all these moves? Edward and Grey
achieved their aim. Germany was outvoted at the Algeciras Conference. Hence
the conference, which the Kaiser called in order to remove the most dangerous
factor against peace in Europe�the Entente Cordiale and all their schemes,
particularly the Morocco intrigue�was turned into one of the greatest factors
for a European war. At the time even German public opinion turned against the
Kaiser and Bulow, the Imperial Chancellor. The Kaiser was confident that this
conference would bring about an agreement between Germany and France that
would lead to a general understanding between Germany and France�one of the
cherished ambitions of his life�but this was made impossible by Edward VII
and Grey. Germany at the time was thoroughly dissatisfied with the results of
the conference and the whole German policy back of it, but when the true
history of those years shall be written Germany and the world will realize
how ardently and sincerely the Kaiser worked for a real and lasting peace in
Europe and consequently in the world, and how England, the marplot of the
world, or rather the English conspirators unknown to the people of England,
foiled all his well-directed efforts.
At that private conclave at Windsor Castle in the last week in January at
which, in addition to King Edward, the following took part, Sir Francis
Bertie, Sir Charles Hardinge and Monsieur Cambon, French Ambassador in
London, it was decided not to drive the issues to a war, principally for the
following reasons:
1. Russia's military power was completely disorganized on account of the
defeat of the year previous. Russia was just beginning to regarrison her
western frontier, which she entirely abandoned during the Russo-Japanese War.
If the Kaiser really were the War Lord, why did he not make war in 1905, or
even now in 1906, when he could have had everything his own way, for neither
Russia nor France was ready�whilst Germany was?
2. Another factor taken account of by the secret meeting at Windsor was King
Leopold's stand; he had the Belgium army partially mobilized in January,
1906; immense stocks of grain, flour, and ammunition had been bought to
resist an invasion of Belgium by Great Britain, the troops for which were
ready for embarkment in the Eastern command, Shorncliffe and Aldershot. The
Commission will kindly look up the secret archives of the Admiralty of the
War Office.
Indeed, Leopold II was decidedly anti-English. He cursed the policy of Edward
VII and made no secret as to the side on which he would fight-if he were
drawn or forced into war. This his attitude prompted Grey to launch against
him the Congo agitation, which was an attempt to force him to abdicate, as it
was known that Prince Albert, the present king, favored the Anglo-French
policy. Vide the secret archives of the Foreign Office in Downing Street,
particularly the secret despatches between Grey, Sir Bertie, and Sir Arthur
Hardinge in Brussels.
When the abdication proved a fiasco, England and France persuaded Holland and
Belgium to enter into an entente; a defensive entente, it was called. The
joint commissions were commencing their sittings and were dining and feasting
in Brussels, when Germany made energetic representations at The Hague and
Brussels and asked whether they still considered themselves neutral
countries. If so, they must immediately dissolve the commissions (this
happened in 1907); contrariwise, Germany would consider Holland and Belgium
un-neutral and would take immediate steps accordingly. The commission was
dissolved. And now Germany demanded of Holland to fortify Flushing so that
the contemplated forcing of the Scheldt by England could not be undertaken.
But I am anticipating events. Revenons a notre mouton!
Another reason why war was postponed in 1906 was the strained diplomatic
relations between France and Bulgaria. This is a very interesting episode and
I must throw some light on it. In this "episode" France was playing the role
of the amiable Simian, who pulled the chestnuts out of the fire for the
Russian Bear. In 1905, Bulgaria and Servia concluded a customs union�destined
to lead to a closer military and political understanding. This did not suit
Russia! Russia? My readers will surely challenge this statement. Quite right!
It is to be expected, in the light of what people know. I hear some of my
readers asking whether I do not know, or have forgotten, that it was, and is,
Russia's aim to unite the Balkan States; whether I do not know that it was
Russia who conceived the formation of a Balkan League in 1911? And so forth.
Now, all this is sheer humbug.
Russia's aim has never been to reconcile the Balkan States. A strong Balkan
alliance would make it impossible for Russia to realize her ambitions in
Constantinople and in the Balkans. It was Russia (supported by England) who
stopped the victorious Bulgarian armies at Tchadaldja (1912), and prevented
them from reaching Constantinople. Russia is quite agreeable when the Balkan
States unite to fight her battles against the Turk and Austria-Hungary (as in
1912), but she is decidedly against the Balkan States fighting for their own
destiny. This will explain Bulgaria's attitude during the present war. Once
bitten, twice shy.
Furthermore, it was not Russia but England who instigated the Balkan League
as early as 1911, as I will show in a succeeding chapter. So when, in 1905,
Bulgaria and Servia entered into a customs union, she was displeased. She,
called upon her vassal, the French Republic, and told her to bring pressure
upon Bulgaria to dissolve the union. Russia, the "protector of the Southern
Slavs" and the "mother of all Slavs," could not do it herself, for that would
have uncovered the despicable game she was playing, even to the densest
observer. So France had to do it, and she did it; anything to please Russia,
with whose help she hoped to take back the "lost provinces." So France, at
the behest of Russia, broke off her negotiations then proceeding with
Bulgaria for a Franco-Bulgarian commercial treaty!
How mean and contemptible! Two poor, down trodden Balkan States consider it
advantageous for them both to bury the hatchet, to do away with distrust and
antagonism; they commence by entering into a customs union, which would have
immensely benefited both. But because they do this�which, one should think,
concerned them and them alone�France breaks off her negotiations with
Bulgaria! It is hardly likely, therefore, that Bulgaria or Servia would have
helped them in war. All this was discussed in Windsor with the greatest
cynicism and naked brutality; the commission will find it at the Foreign
Office. Look up minutes of this Windsor conference, Sir Edward Grey's secret
despatches to Vienna, Sofia, Belgrade, Paris and Berlin!
Another reason for postponing war was the very serious Anglo-Turkish dispute
about Egyptian frontier questions. There was a large and well-equipped
Turkish force on the Egyptian frontier. The upshot looked decidedly nasty.
Great Britain resorted to a time-honored expediency during Anglo-Turkish
strained relations: a rising in the Yemen. This was cleverly engineered. So
1906 was not a favorable time to fall like vultures upon Germany�it was
deferred. The. Kaiser, needless to say, knew all this. If Wilhelm II was
possessed of a mad zeal for blood letting, was not this the great opportunity
to strike? And he was insistently pressed to do so by a very influential
party in Germany, but he declined. He declined on the high moral grounds that
he would not make war unless absolutely forced to do so in order to protect
the Fatherland. On the contrary, he continued his peace efforts and hoped
they might be successful. Alas, Edward VII and his conspirators made this
impossible!
Reviewing those years of acute and dangerous tension, those years during
which the Kaiser held out his hand of friendship and expressed his sincere
desire that the Morocco Agreement might lead to an open agreement with France
upon all questions, those years represent for France the missed opportunity
which may never return. And whose fault is it? Primarily Edward VII's and Sir
Francis Bertie's. See secret archives in Foreign Office in London. All this
and many other matters of a similar nature, all tending in the same
direction, were discussed by King Edward VII at Windsor with his confidential
conspirators.
So the Algeciras Conference was the commencement of a very serious tension
between England and Germany. France and Germany reached an agreement on the
Morocco question. The Kaiser, though out-voted, was satisfied, for he was
sincerely desirous and ardently hopeful that on this agreement he might build
up the Franco-German concord, so strongly desired by him. But Great Britain
foiled this, and the world was treated to a second Morocco crisis in 1911.
More of this anon.
When, in March, King Edward VII visited Paris incognito, he affirmed all the
above to President Fallieres. He invited Delcasse to the Ritz Hotel, where he
stayed; he publicly testified to the fact that he still continued the policy
of Delcasse and his own-�to isolate Germany. Delcasse was at this time merely
a private individual and his visit to King Edward created great astonishment.
Thus we see how the present war was carefully and deliberately conceived and
planned during the years 1902-06. But the year of 1907 was even more
portentous. It is the year in which the Triple Entente conspiracy blossomed
forth.
pps. 102-154
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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