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>From Wash (DC) Post

Bombing Intended, Chinese Believe
U.S. Explanations Widely Discounted

By John Pomfret and Michael Laris
Washington Post Foreign Service
Wednesday, May 12, 1999; Page A24

BEIJING, May 11�The most remarkable thing about the protests that have erupted across 
China over the last four days is that the great majority of China's best and 
brightest, from software engineers to academics to busines
smen, believe deeply that the United States planned to destroy their embassy in 
Belgrade.

Millions more people in the world's most populous country seem convinced that the 
United States is out to get them. From posters around the campus of Beijing University 
to headlines in the state-controlled press, the NATO
 attack on the Belgrade embassy is being viewed here as part of a long-standing 
American plot to contain China.

"After the breakup of the Soviet Union, China has become United States' No. 1 
strategic enemy, not only today but into the 21st century," read a poster that 
received close attention today near the Beijing University campu
s. "While we are calling: 'Down with the USA,' " the poster said, "the United States 
is seriously engaging in work to overthrow China."

The depth of these beliefs, which is hard to exaggerate, helps explain why China has 
been reluctant to accept apologies made by President Clinton. Chinese, from 
well-connected security officials to university professors,
complained that Clinton's words lacked sincerity; several said they were surprised 
that the United States did not attempt to send an envoy to smooth the waters.

Moreover, for a complex web of reasons, many people in China
have no interest in believing the attack was a mistake. The
Communist Party does not want to believe the embassy was bombed
in error, because it can use the incident to deflect attention
from the 10th anniversary of the June 4 government crackdown on
democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square. China also faces
enormous social problems, such as unemployment and official
corruption, so a round of full-throated nationalism, despite its
inherent risks, is seen by the party as a welcome distraction
from domestic concerns.

China's army and hard-line factions within the party and
government also are uncomfortable with the country's current
direction; it is becoming more capitalistic, less restrictive
and more open to Western ideas. A round of nativist, anti-
foreign demonstrations could be the antidote to such trends,
these people think.

Nevertheless, whether they were marching in angry mobs, gathered
on university campuses or relaxing at a McDonald's, the Chinese
view of the bombing has been unmistakable. Several dozen people
have charged in interviews that the United States intentionally
bombed the Belgrade embassy because it wants to keep China down.
Over and over, people declared that the United States never
would have killed three Chinese citizens if China were as strong
as America.

"It wasn't an attack on the embassy; it was that America wanted
to make a point," said Zhang Bin, a Beijing software engineer.
"America has a strategy. It wants to feel out China. It wants to
do an experiment -- to hit you and see if you respond, to see if
Chinese people will submit to this kind of American power
politics."

U.S. officials have said the attack was a tragic mistake caused
by military planners who had relied on an outdated map. But
people here said their respect for America's technological
prowess makes it impossible for them to believe that
explanation. "You have the best science in the world. How could
you lie and say it was a mistake?" said Wang Yali, a 33-year-old
award-winning documentary filmmaker, who has lived in New York.

The background of Chinese nationalism offers clues to the depth
of feeling about these issues here, where nativist sentiments
coexist uneasily with a desire to be open to the world. The same
people who are protesting today could be applying for U.S. visas
tomorrow.

For decades, the Beijing government's propaganda apparatus has
beaten the drum of nationalism, exploiting a history of invasion
by Western powers and the Japanese. The ruling Communist Party
bases its legitimacy on its role in helping Chinese "stand up"
in the world after more than 100 years of foreign humiliation.

On the street, NATO is routinely compared to the alliance of
eight foreign armies that, at the beginning of this century,
crushed the Boxer Rebellion, an uprising of Chinese farmers
against the depredations of Western imperialist powers. The
government-approved slogans are also laden with history: "Down
with American imperialism" has its roots in the Cultural
Revolution of 1966-76. "America, paper tiger" dates to the
Korean War of the 1950s.

Conspiracy theories have always had great currency in Chinese
society, in part because of people's restricted access to
information. But the conspiracy theories stemming from the
embassy attack border on the wacky.

A Chinese businessman who travels routinely to the United States
argued that the anger caused by the attack would give NATO the
excuse it needs to end its mission in the Balkans. A doctoral
candidate in economics at prestigious Qinghua University
asserted that the attack was related to the Asian financial
crisis.

"The United States caused that crisis to get all the money from
Asia onto American soil," he said. "They attacked our embassy
because China so far has avoided much of the pitfalls of the
crisis."

� Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company


From:                   "[EMAIL PROTECTED]" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject:                China and the Bombing Campaign

Institute for Public Accuracy
915 National Press Building, Washington, D.C. 20045
(202) 347-0020 * http://www.accuracy.org * [EMAIL PROTECTED]
___________________________________________________

Wednesday, May 12, 1999

CHINA AND THE BOMBING CAMPAIGN

ROBERT WEIL, [EMAIL PROTECTED]
     Author of "Red Cat, White Cat: China and the Contradictions
of 'Market  Socialism,'" Weil said: "The anger in China is
widespread  and is no doubt very genuine. Either it will stiffen
the Chinese government reaction to the U.S., which would have
its own serious consequences; or they won't stand up to the
U.S., which might result in a domestic backlash. There's
widespread feeling in China that the U.S. is bullying them,
practicing gunboat diplomacy and this may be a final straw.
There's already a lot of political discontent about the economic
situation -- the increased class polarization, unemployment,
corruption and crime. The government might tap into the reaction
to the embassy bombing, but will be nervous about protests going
too far. But the domestic discontent could fuse with a sense of
China being weakened internationally. Such feelings in the past
in China have led to radical movements for social change."

ROBERT NAIMAN,
[EMAIL PROTECTED],http://www.preamble.org/greensign.html

     Naiman, who is research associate with the Preamble Center,
has organized  a petition of American Jews urging the Green
Party of Germany (which is part of the coalition government and
is meeting tomorrow) to oppose the war and reject analogies to
the Nazi Holocaust. The petition, signed by over 200 prominent
American Jews, states: "The Holocaust is being invoked in order
to justify an unjust bombing campaign against the civilian
population of Yugoslavia. Many of us have friends who lost
family members in the Holocaust, or have lost relatives
ourselves. We are deeply aware of our own history and the need
for the world community to intervene in situations where there
is a threat of genocide, in order to prevent it. However, this
is clearly not what is happening in Yugoslavia today. We do
not believe that our government's war against Yugoslavia is
motivated by humanitarian concerns. This is evidenced by their
refusal to airlift food and water to desperate refugees within
Kosovo, as well as the paltry sums allocated for refugee relief
as compared to the billions of dollars spent on the bombing. The
Clinton Administration's great reluctance to pursue a negotiated
solution to the conflict also indicates that this intervention
is mainly about power: showing the world that the United States
(and NATO, which it largely controls) is the self-appointed
international policeman, and stands above international law..."

JERRY STARR, [EMAIL PROTECTED]
     Professor of sociology at West Virginia University and
author of "The Lessons of the Vietnam War," Starr said: "In
President Clinton's current game of international jeopardy,
bombing is his answer, but what is the question? In recent
months, Clinton has rejected a world ban on land mines
and a proposal for an international criminal court. He has
committed intentional acts of war on four separate nations
(Sudan, Afghanistan, Iraq and Yugoslavia) and ignored United
Nations mediation and peacekeeping forces in favor of a bombing
campaign by a military alliance left over from the Cold War.
Whatever the claimed justification, I don't think the
President's question could be 'How do we promote peace and human
rights in the world?' -- but it should be ours."

For more information, contact at the Institute for Public
Accuracy:  Sam Husseini, (202) 347-0020; David Zupan,
(541) 484-9167


>From wsws.org

WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkan Crisis

After the bombing of the Belgrade embassy

US media denounces Chinese protests

By David Walsh
12 May 1999

Even if one were inclined to suppress all doubts and accept
Washington�s claims that the bombing of the Chinese embassy in
Belgrade was entirely accidental, the vitriolic response of the
American media to the protests in Beijing and other cities
reveals an extraordinary level of anti-China sentiment within
the US ruling elite. Far from expressing genuine regret at the
loss of Chinese life, the anger of the American media reflects
precisely the type of militaristic and ruthless mindset capable
of producing a deliberate decision to bomb the embassy of a
country not directly involved in the war against Yugoslavia.

Why should the US media be outraged by the anger of China�s
people to an attack on their embassy? The bombing of an embassy
is, in international law, a direct attack on that country�s
sovereignty. In this instance, the US bombs struck the Chinese
embassy with such force that, according to journalists, they
could be heard miles away. They landed in the sleeping quarters
of the embassy, demolishing whole floors. Zhu Ying, 27, and her
husband, Xu Xinghu, 31, were in bed when the bombs hit. Also
killed was Shao Yunhuan. Her husband remains in the intensive
care unity in Central Hospital in Belgrade; he was blinded in
the attack. He apparently has not yet been told of his wife's
death. As of two days ago, four other Chinese citizens remained
in the intensive care unit. One, Ren Baokai, a military attach�,
lay in the bombed building for eight hours before he was
discovered and rescued.

US and NATO spokesmen, without providing any evidence, describe
the attack on the embassy as a mistake. The Associated Press
published Monday a list of "Accidental Military Attacks" that
have taken place over the past 13 years. Its purpose was to
reassure the public that accidents in war do happen. Perhaps
they do. But not all "mistakes" are the same, and those who make
them are not without legal, political and moral responsibility
for the consequences of their actions. The "mistakes" of the
White House, State Department and Pentagon are the all but
inevitable product of definite strategic aims, policies,
decisions, and, we might add, social attitudes. The most
essential characteristics of American policy are a vast
carelessness, callousness and indifference to human life. The
list of "Accidental Military Attacks" served to remind the
observant reader of one factor common to all the "mistakes,"
whether it was the shooting down of an Iranian passenger plane
in 1988 in which 290 people were killed, or the bombing of a
shelter in Baghdad during the Persian Gulf War, killing more
than 300-- each one was carried out by the US military on the
territory of other countries, in the course of one reckless
adventure or another.

The embassy bombing evoked a deep response within the Chinese
people. Demonstrations have been held in numerous cities, with
the participation of hundreds of thousands. US Ambassador to
China James Sasser, barricaded in the American embassy, told
journalists that he thought officials were surprised by the
ferocity and numbers of protesters. He reported that from what
he could see "the crowd was extraordinarily difficult to
control. And some were attacking the police."

Despite the perfunctory apologies of the Clinton Administration,
the real attitude of American ruling circles toward the Chinese
people can be better gauged from the indignant, bellicose and
threatening response of the US media to the protests.

The Times' resident thug, Thomas L Friedman, defends the bombing
in a manner so brazen that it gives an insight into why the
attack was carried out. "I am sorry about the Chinese Embassy,"
he writes, "but we have no reason to be defensive here. We are
at war with the Serbian nation, and anyone hanging around
Belgrade needs to understand that."

Far from suggesting an accidental bombing, the words of Friedman
� whose views reflect the outlook of his close friends and
contacts in the highest echelons of the State Department and
Pentagon � provide an insight into what might well have been a
motive for targeting the Chinese Embassy. Notwithstanding the
posture of regret, the bombing was a way of sending an
unmistakable message to the Chinese or anyone else who may be
tempted to get in the way of American war aims

Other media voices adopted a tone of outrage over the display of
popular anger in the streets of Beijing, as though it was
impossible that this was the genuine feeling of the Chinese
people.

US Today headlined a May 11 article "Anti-U.S. vitriol
continuing to gush from Beijing." It noted that "China's state-
run media, which stoked the anti-U.S. frenzy over the weekend,
continued to run sensational stories Monday about the bombing."
In an editorial, the newspaper reminded the Chinese of the Boxer
Rebellion in 1900 and its eventual outcome, the invasion of
Beijing by US marines. "If both nations aren't careful, the
aftermath of NATO's accidental bombing of China's Belgrade
embassy may prove equally catastrophic.... China has not been
careful." They continue, "This is not a time for greater
concessions to China for the bombing. That would reward
Beijing's hostility."

"China's True Colors" reads the headline of Tuesday's Washington
Post editorial. "China has reacted to the mistaken NATO bombing
of its Belgrade embassy suspiciously like a totalitarian nation.
The state-controlled media, which is to say China's only media,
have whipped people into a fury with inaccurate and incomplete
reporting. Newspapers have failed to report U.S. explanations or
apologies.... The Clinton administration and NATO should not
allow China thus to bully them into any unwise concessions ... "

In the Times Robert Kagan, a senior associate at the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, writes in an op-ed piece
entitled "China's No. 1 enemy" that "China's leaders make no
effort to conceal the fact they consider the United States an
enemy, or, more precisely, the enemy." The Chinese denunciations
of the US-led war against Serbia fit "within the broader anti-
American line Beijing has been spouting for years: that the
United States is an imperialist aggressor, bent on world
domination, and at China's expense." In regard to the mass
protests over the bombing, Kagan criticizes "the lack of
indignation expressed so far by White House officials in the
face of China's behavior."

George Melloan in the Wall Street Journal ("China's Unspoken
Goal Is to Destroy America's Power") observes that "China hasn't
made a secret of its desire to see America humbled. It would
particularly like to have the American presence in Asia give way
to a hegemonic China.... What the current circumstances should
make clear to Americans is that even though the Cold War is
over, the world is still a dangerous place."

In these comments the world is turned upside down. The victim of
a violent attack is a "bully." If he protests against the
attack, that proves he's an "enemy" and out to "destroy" us.
And, moreover, if the "bully" isn't "careful," he's really going
to get a beating next time. This is Washington's threat to every
regime that doesn't go along with its policies.

What about the US media complaint that the Chinese popular anger
is merely the product of one-sided coverage of the NATO war
against Serbia? In their descriptions of the role played by
their counterparts in China, or what they imagine it to be, the
American media, first of all, paint something of a self-
portrait. The Washington Post's picture of a tightly controlled
press and television that whip "people into a fury with
inaccurate and incomplete reporting" resembles nothing so much
as the situation in the US, where the corporate-controlled mass
media bombards an unsuspecting public night and day with
government claims passed off as objective facts.

Or, more precisely, this is the situation as the media would
like it to be. The American media falls into line with
government policy on a dime, but it increasingly lacks
credibility. It has failed during the current war, as they did
during the Clinton impeachment drive, and during the
confrontation with Iraq last year, to carry the population with
them. The media commentators more and more are talking to each
other, and not to the broad masses, expressing the viewpoint and
addressing the concerns of an isolated and socially privileged
elite.

The response of the Chinese people to the embassy bombing is far
more spontaneous and profound than any sentiments so far
expressed by the American public on the war. Up to now what has
prevailed in America is a kind of benumbed apathy. There is
neither war fever nor deep interest. People in the US do not
know what to make of events. They instinctively distrust the
government and media version, but they have no worked-out
alternative take on the whole business.

Broad layers of the population in the US tolerate or ignore the
war at this point because it does not yet seem to affect them
directly. Were the war to become "serious," were it to "come
home," the chasm between the bellicosity of the media and the
wealthy elite, on the one hand, and the feelings of the broad
masses, on the other, would become manifest.

This bellicosity is very real. In their efforts to explain the
"error" in Belgrade, the US government and military have
revealed something about their plans and appetite for war.

See Also:
Balkan war
Embassy protests reflect deeper currents
[11 May 1999]
Mass demonstrations in China express outrage at NATO bombing
[10 May 1999]
How could the bombing of the Chinese embassy have been a
mistake?
[10 May 1999]
US-NATO attack on Yugoslavia
[Complete list of WSWS articles]



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>From Slate.CoM

frame game

Excuses, Excuses

By William Saletan


Last August, after finally admitting to Independent Counsel
Kenneth Starr's grand jury that he had carried on and covered up

an inappropriate relationship with Monica Lewinsky, President
Clinton went on national TV to apologize. He began by calling
his behavior "wrong" and taking "complete responsibility" for
it. But within seconds, Clinton tarnished his apology by lapsing

into excuses, self-justifications, and blame-shifting. This
week, as he tries to explain NATO's bombing of the Chinese
Embassy in Belgrade, he's doing the same thing.

How did the bombing happen? According to Secretary of Defense
William Cohen, NATO "attacked the wrong target because the
bombing instructions were based on an outdated map," which
"inaccurately located the embassy in a different part of
Belgrade." Henceforth, said Cohen, "the State Department will
report to the intelligence community whenever foreign embassies
move." In other words, people in the U.S. government who knew
the embassy had moved hadn't bothered to tell their colleagues
who were deciding which buildings to bomb. There's nothing for
the United States to say about this except that we perpetrated a

moral outrage through inexcusable stupidity and recklessness.
But as usual, Clinton is finding plenty of other things to say.

1) I've already apologized. Last year, when asked to apologize,
Clinton repeatedly insisted that he had already done so. But
saying you have already apologized is the opposite of
apologizing. The latter is a way of accepting criticism; the
former is a way of deflecting it. Saturday, in his initial
remarks about the bombing, Clinton expressed "regret" and
"condolences" to China but never used the word "apologize." Two
days later, he declared, "I have already expressed our apology."

When asked about American responsibility for the tragedy, Cohen,

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, and State Department
spokesman Jamie Rubin reiterated that Clinton had already
"apologized."

2) My actions were minimal. In his speech last August, Clinton
used weasel words and passive verbs to minimize his deceit.
"While my answers were legally accurate, I did not volunteer
information," he allowed. "My public comments and my silence
about this matter gave a false impression." To minimize this
week's embassy bombing, Clinton called it a "mistake,"
"accident," and "tragic event" (other U.S. officials called it
"regrettable" and an "error" entailing "loss of life"). Clinton
used the passive voice to obscure his responsibility ("the
Chinese Embassy was inadvertently damaged and people lost their
lives") and offered good intentions as an excuse ("We're doing
everything that we can to avoid innocent civilian casualties").

3) Everybody does it. In 1992, Clinton smothered questions about
his adultery by confessing to "causing pain in my marriage,"
refusing to say more, and pointing out that many American
couples were in a similar position. In his August 1998 speech,
he offered the same defense. Likewise, Clinton suggested this
week that in war the occasional embassy bombing is to be
expected. "This will happen if you drop this much [ordnance],"
he argued Saturday. Cohen echoed that line Monday ("In combat,
accidents will happen"), as did White House spokesman Joe
Lockhart ("Mistakes happen").

4) It's the economy, stupid. Unable to convince Americans last
year that he was truly sorry for offending their values, Clinton
appealed instead to their material interests, vowing incessantly

to "keep working for the American people." This week, having
bombed the Chinese Embassy, Clinton is making a similar appeal
to China's prudence. On Monday, he reminded China of his
"commitment to strengthen our relationship," while Albright and
Lockhart emphasized that "good relations are manifestly in the
interest of both nations" and that "a broad-based relationship
... serves both our interests."

5) It's my enemy's fault. Clinton ruined his speech last August
by blaming Starr and Paula Jones' lawyers for forcing him to
shade the truth to fend off Starr's investigation, which had
"gone on too long, cost too much, and hurt too many innocent
people." This week, Clinton again buried his apology under a
recitation of his enemy's wrongs. He even used the same word--
"proportion"--to deflect scrutiny. "We need some sense of
proportion" in evaluating the bombing, Clinton pleaded. "This
was an isolated, tragic event, while the ethnic cleansing of
Kosovo ... is a deliberate and systematic crime." Albright,
Rubin, and other U.S. officials reasserted that distinction, and

Defense Department spokesman Ken Bacon pointed out that the
other guy started the fight: "This was not a fight that NATO
sought. It was a fight that could have been avoided, but Mr.
Milosevic decided not to avoid it."

It's true that the Serbs' crimes dwarf NATO's in scale and
malice. It's true that China's financial interests are best
served by stifling its anger. It's true that wars always cause
unintended civilian casualties. It's true that NATO is trying to
avoid such casualties. And it's true that Clinton has
apologized. These are all perfectly good spins. But the point of
an apology is to accept responsibility for what you did and
otherwise to shut up. To apologize, in short, is to abstain from
spin--one of the few feats of which Clinton seems incapable.

A<>E<>R
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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