-Caveat Lector-

>From Inst for War & Peace Reporting
www.iwpr.net

Europe's Kosovo Dominoes

NATO's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia risks creating "new
Kosovos" throughout Central and Eastern Europe.

By Denisa Kostovicova in Bratislava

NATO's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia has sent shock waves
throughout Eastern Europe which are rocking the foundations of the
region's fledgling democracies.

Should democracy lose ground, the field for the nastiest of ethnic
politics remains wide open in a part of the world which is dotted
with potential, as yet unexploded Kosovos.

Stroll along the streets of Bratislava, Slovakia's capital, and you
could be forgiven for thinking you are in Belgrade. "STOP NATO", with
a swastika squeezed into the "O" of NATO, is scrawled on the walls.
Further on, protesters wave their placards: "NATO Hands Off
Yugoslavia."

Support for the hard-line, nationalist policy of Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic is only partly a manifestation of Slav solidarity
between Slovaks and Serbs.

It also reflects attitudes of nationalist Slovaks to Slovakia's
Hungarian minority. Indeed, ethnic Hungarians, who make up 10.6 per
cent of the country's population, are already taking fright at the
apparent attraction of the Balkan recipe of an ethnically pure nation
state to some Slovak nationalists.

The new reformist liberal government aspires to Slovak membership of
NATO and has even allowed the alliance use of its airspace for the
operation against Yugoslavia.

But the majority of Slovaks, hitherto reluctant, are now convinced
that they do not want to join NATO. And they oppose the air strikes
against Yugoslavia.

As Slovakia prepares to go to the polls to elect a new President,
NATO's bombing campaign is stirring nationalist passions to the
advantage of the country's own strongman, Vladimir Meciar. Fears of a
return to intolerant authoritarianism with Meciar again at the helm
are more palpable with each day.

He has, after all, already managed two miraculous political comebacks
when prime minister before finally losing power in last autumn's
elections.

Ethnic Hungarians, who now have three ministers in government, are
acutely aware of what Meciar's return might herald. One of his last
legislative gifts was a ban on the Hungarian language on school
certificates and the subjugation of Hungarian-language schools to
Slovak jurisdiction.

In the face of the common threat, all ethnic Hungarian political
parties have put aside their ideological differences and banded
together to form a national bloc. It is a phenomenon which Slovak
political analysts have called "Slovakia's Kosovisation".

Nationalists across the border in Hungary are also raising their
voice. Although a marginal force in Hungarian politics, they
nonetheless have parliamentary representation and are calling for a
change of Hungary's southern borders to protect the Hungarian
minority in Serbia's northern province of Vojvodina, whom they
consider Serb hostages.

Janos Martonyi, the country's foreign minister, has denounced the
Hungarian nationalists, as has the leader of Vojvodina Hungarians,
who has also condemned the NATO intervention, not once but several
times. Neither Serbian nor Slovak Hungarians, it seems, wish to see
any change of borders.

The demands of Hungarian nationalists are, nevertheless, music to the
ears of their Slovak counterparts. As ever, extremists feed off and
derive strength from each other.

Romanians do not require interference from Budapest to feel uneasy
about their Hungarian minority, who account for 7.1 per cent of the
country's population. Romanians have already declared Serbs to be
heroes and view Kosovo as an unwelcome precedent. For them, NATO is
now fighting a war of independence on behalf of Kosovo's Albanians.
They fear the Hungarian-dominated Transylvania will be next.

Small wonder then that NATO-phobia has spread across Romania in the
wake of the bombing campaign against Yugoslavia. Only recently
enthusiastic about joining the military alliance, many Romanians now
view NATO as an aggressor and the United States as an interfering
bully, in similar terms to their Serb neighbours.

Ordinary Romanians are increasingly at odds with their elected
representatives who still aspire to NATO membership. But popular
support for Serbia has not gone unnoticed by Romania's Hungarians.
The improvement in inter-ethnic relations in Romania over the past
decade is by no means irreversible.

The democratic consensus between the leadership and the electorate
has come under pressure even in those Central and Eastern European
countries basking in the safety of relative if not absolute ethnic
homogeneity. Again, the trigger has been NATO's offensive against
Yugoslavia.

Popular opposition to the NATO operation is growing in the Czech
Republic. No sooner did Czechs become members of NATO then it ceased
being the alliance they had wanted to join in the first place. Czechs
sought membership to provide security from the threat they perceive
in the east, not because they wish to become embroiled in the
Balkans.

Memories of Yugoslavs' support for Czechoslovakia in 1968 when the
Soviets intervened to "help" their "communist brother" have been
revived. As have memories of Yugoslav friends opening their homes to
those who were by chance on holiday in Yugoslavia during that fateful
summer. This makes many uneasy about their country's newly-acquired
status as a NATO member.

The plight of ethnic Albanians has, nevertheless, generated moral
outrage. "Thank God for NATO. Someone to help the Albanians. There
was no one to come to our rescue in 1968," says a man in the audience
on a popular Czech talk-show to a standing ovation. As ordinary
people come to grips with their moral qualms, the NATO action enjoys
the backing of the Czech government.

In Bulgaria, the pro-Western leadership is pushing for membership in
NATO, but has to face a tough question: Will NATO's profile and
mission have changed so much after the strike on Yugoslavia is over
as to cause voters to turn against joining the alliance?

The majority of Bulgarians have consistently opposed NATO's action in
Yugoslavia. This is not because Serbs, like Bulgarians, are Orthodox
Slavs, since historically the two peoples have often been enemies.
Rather it is because they have one key thing in common: a mistrust of
Muslims.

Fears of a spill-over of the Kosovo conflict elsewhere in the Balkans
into Macedonia, Albania, Greece and Turkey have often been cited in
the West as a reason for international intervention in Kosovo. While
the domino-effect prophets of doom have generally cast their eyes
southwards, they may also have to look elsewhere in the region.

Denisa Kostovicova is a doctoral candidate at Cambridge University
focusing on Kosovo Albanians' parallel educational system.



<Picture: Back to the main menu>

<Picture: Back to the home page>� Institute of War & Peace Reporting


>From MSNBC
http://www.msnbc.com/news/269009.asp

<<Begin excerpt>>

> NEW YORK, May 13 �  The United States has complained to NATO ally
> Greece about a lack of cooperation in fighting a rash of attacks on
> American business and government interests in Greece since the Kosovo
> crisis escalated in February, U.S. counter-terrorism officials told
> NBC News on Thursday.


<<End excerpt>>

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