-Caveat Lector-

from:
http://www.aci.net/kalliste/
<A HREF="http://www.aci.net/kalliste/">The Home Page of J. Orlin Grabbe</A>
-----
Der Fuhrer Invades Yugoslavia

World Unimpressed with NATO's Humanitarian Mission

"We love humanity. That's why we bomb it."

BUENOS AIRES - It is thousands of miles from Belgrade and there is not a
Serb in sight. But Gonzalo Etcheberry is passing a wall on a busy street
here spray-painted with the words, ''Yankee, out of the Balkans.'' He
did not write the slogan, but he couldn't agree more.
''Your bombs in Yugoslavia are from the side of America that I can't
stand,'' said Mr. Etcheberry, a 21-year-old medical student wearing a
black Pearl Jam T-shirt. ''I hate it when the U.S. plays judge and
God.''

Such feelings are common in Argentina - and in many other parts of the
world far from the conflict over Kosovo. As the NATO air offensive
against Serb-controlled Yugoslavia concludes its eighth week and such
blunders as the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade and strikes
on Kosovo refugees make headlines worldwide, alliance planes are
inflicting collateral damage of another kind - damage to the
organization's international reputation. And Uncle Sam, NATO's dominant
power, is bearing the brunt of public anger.

Here in Argentina, one of Washington's closest Latin American allies, a
poll last week showed that 64 percent of the populace opposes the air
campaign. More respondents had a negative opinion of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization than of President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia.

In Latin America, Asia, Africa, the Middle East and other regions with
little direct interest in the conflict, opposition to the bombing is
surfacing in statements by elected officials, in newspaper editorials,
opinion polls, public protests, Internet banter and street graffiti.

Increasingly, there is little subtlety to the NATO-bashing. ''NATO is
blindly bombing Yugoslavia,'' Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee of
India said in a fiery political speech last week. ''There is a dance of
destruction going on there. Thousands of people rendered homeless. And
the United Nations is a mute witness to all this. Is NATO's work to
prevent war or to fuel one?''

In the view of analysts here and elsewhere, the backlash shows that
Washington's portrayal of the conflict as a humanitarian mission is
being superseded by lingering anti-Western feelings in countries with
bad memories of U.S. intervention and European colonialism. While the
plight of the Kosovo refugees has evoked widespread sympathy, with many
countries offering support to the relief effort, there is also growing
criticism that NATO was too quick to abandon diplomacy for war.

The mistaken bombings of civilians and of the Chinese Embassy have
intensified those feelings, foreign policy analysts say.

''Milosevic has been able to successfully evoke the powerful message
that he is defending his homeland and that he's the underdog facing
Yankee might,'' said Jerrold Post, director of the political psychology
program at George Washington University in Washington. ''And that is
striking a chord internationally.''

Even in some countries that have shown support for the allies, doubts
are surfacing. In Japan, for example, the bombing of the embassy -
coupled with vivid television images of scattered civilian corpses after
other NATO mistakes - seems to have cooled any enthusiasm for Japanese
participation in the Kosovo conflict.

Opposition appears to be growing fastest in the developing world. Since
the end of the Cold War, many poor countries grudgingly have come to
accept the United States as an economic model and leader.

At the same time, many analysts say, the war has so graphically
underlined the U.S. status as the sole superpower that it has sparked
resentment. Such feelings have been exacerbated by the impression that
the United States and NATO have largely ignored the United Nations and
international opinion in launching the air campaign.

Skepticism is becoming widespread and varied. In the Middle East, where
the West was widely criticized for failing to come to the immediate aid
of Muslims during the war in Bosnia this decade, few Arab voices defend
NATO's efforts to protect the largely Muslim Kosovo Albanians.

For many Arabs, though, the bombings have evoked disturbing parallels
with the continuing U.S.-led air campaign against Iraq, whose
population, subject to economic sanctions, is the object of widespread
sympathy in the Arab world. A Jordan Times columnist, Rami Khouri, wrote
last week that the United States and Britain have now made the
''perpetual bombing of a weak and defenseless target'' something
routine.

In Africa, ''most ordinary people are too busy with the struggle of
day-to-day life'' to focus closely on Kosovo, ''and there has been
feeling that it's white folks' business,'' said Babacar Toure, publisher
of the Sud daily newspaper in Dakar, Senegal.

But media accounts of errant bombs have prompted debate among
intellectuals, he said, notably on the way NATO has sidelined the United
Nations and its African secretary-general, Kofi Annan.

In the Philippines, one of Washington's closest allies in Asia,
protesters have been marching daily in opposition to a plan for military
exercises with the United States.

The war is striking a particularly bitter note in Latin America, where
Washington's past support of repressive governments has left a legacy of
suspicion about its motives. Political opposition movements are using
the war to their advantage, linking ''Yankee bullying'' in the Balkans
to market-oriented economic reforms favored by Washington in the region.


For now, at least, mounting opposition to the war does not appear to
translate into widespread anger at all things American. In Argentina,
for instance, recent polls by Gallup Argentina for the newspaper La
Nacion showed that while 64 percent of Argentines oppose the war in
Yugoslavia and 30 percent have a negative view of NATO, 56 percent said
they still have a favorable view of the United States.

International Herald Tribune, May 19, 1999


Information SuperSpyWay

U.S. Uses "Key Escrow" to Steal Secrets

"We don't care if they spy on citizens. But dammit, they're stealing
from our companies."

European plans for controlling encryption software are nothing to do
with law enforcement and everything to do with U.S. industrial
espionage, according to a report released by the European Parliament on
Friday.
The working document for the Scientific and Technological Options
Assessment panel said the United States has tried to persuade European
Union countries to adopt its key escrow or key recovery policies --
allowing backdoor access to encryption programs -- saying this was
necessary to read messages exchanged by criminals.

But the report details how the UKUSA alliance -- made up of the United
Kingdom, United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand -- has used
its secret Echelon global spying network to intercept confidential
company communications and give them to favored competitors. Thomson
S.A., located in Paris, and Airbus Industrie, based in Blagnac Cedex,
France, are said to have lost contracts as a result of information
passed to rivals.

"The U.S. government misled states in the EU and [Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development] about the true intention of its
policy," the report adds.

"Between 1993 and 1997 police representatives were not involved in the
NSA [National Security Agency]-led policy-making process for key
recovery. Despite this, during the same period the U.S. government
repeatedly presented its policy as being motivated by the stated needs
of law-enforcement agencies."

The document went on to detail how the agencies specifically studied
Internet data. Apart from scanning all international communications
lines -- using 120 satellites, microwave listening stations, and an
adapted submarine -- it said they stored and analyzed Usenet
discussions. "In the U.K., the Defence Evaluation and Research Agency
maintains a 1-terabyte database containing the previous 90 days of
Usenet messages."

The "NSA employs computer 'bots' (robots) to collect data of interest,"
the report adds. "For example, a New York website known as JYA.COM
offers extensive information on cryptography and government
communications interception activities. Records of access to the site
show that every morning it is visited by a bot from NSA's National
Computer Security Center, which looks for new files and makes copies of
any that it finds."

According to a former employee, NSA had by 1995 installed "sniffer"
software to collect traffic at nine major Internet exchange points.

The report offered evidence that a leading U.S. Internet and
telecommunications company had contracted with the NSA to develop
software to capture Internet data of interest, and that deals had been
struck with Microsoft, Lotus, and Netscape to alter their products for
foreign use.

"There can't be any doubt any longer that there's an economic imperative
to these policies," said Simon Davies, director of Privacy
International. "We have been lied to for years. But it will be up to
companies like Airbus to take legal action to force a definition of
national security in the context of the European Union. Then we can
establish a legal framework and appeals process."

Meanwhile, the Financial Times reported on Monday that the U.K.
government had agreed to take key escrow "off the agenda" and had
accepted industry proposals for a "largely voluntary program of
co-operation with the security services".

Government officials could not confirm the report.

But Caspar Bowden, director of the Foundation for Information Policy
Research, questioned how far any compromise would go. "Will they persist
with statutory licensing [of trusted third parties]and criminal
legislation on decryption warrants?" he asked.

The New York Times, May 18, 1999
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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