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<A HREF="aol://5863:126/alt.conspiracy:524109">5-18-99 Anti-War Bulletin from
the Intl Action Center
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Subject: 5-18-99 Anti-War Bulletin from the Intl Action Center
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Tue, May 18, 1999 7:37 PM
Message-id: <89b83ca0&[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

5-18-99 Anti-War Bulletin from the Intl Action Center


Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit

source - [EMAIL PROTECTED]  Tue May 18 20:42:59 1999

International Action Center
39 West 14 Street, #206
New York, NY  10011
(212) 633-6646  fax: (212) 633-2889
http://www.iacenter.org  email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

May 18, 1999 Anti-War Bulletin from the International Action Center


By Brian Becker, Co-Director, International Action Center

Is the U.S./NATO leadership planning a ground war?

Is the United States administration and the Pentagon now preparing for
a ground war; that is, an occupation and invasion of Yugoslavia?
There are conflicting signals and deep divisions within the U.S.
political establishment about the direction of the war.  But the
anti-war movement needs to be made urgently aware of the very real
prospect of a dramatic escalation.

On its face, the ground war scenario may seem unlikely.  Clinton could
not even muster a majority in Congress to support the bombing
campaign, which is designed to make sure that all the bleeding is done
by Yugoslavs.  Public opinion polls indicate deep skepticism and
widespread opposition to the war effort.  There are daily "hints"
about a possible diplomatic resolution in the big business-dominated
media like the New York Times and Washington Post.

In a report released on May 17, Agence France Press reports that
Germany will not back moves to send NATO ground troops into Kosovo
without the consent of the Yugoslav government.  The AFP story quotes
German Foreign Minister Joschka Fisher as stating "There will be no
majority in the Bundestag for sending ground troops."  A photo of
Fisher being splattered with red paint by angry members of the
pacifist wing of the Green Party appeared on the front page of the New
York Times and other dailies around the world on May 14.

The massive demonstrations that almost turned into rebellions against
U.S. government facilities throughout China, following the NATO
bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, were a powerful signal of
the opposition that exists in China against a further escalation.  And
anti-war protests continue to gather steam around the world.

These are certainly deterrents to an escalation of the war into a
ground war.  But there are other indications that the maniacs in the
Pentagon want all-out victory.

On Sunday, May 16 the BBC radio reported that the Joint Chiefs of
Staff had sent a letter to Defense Secretary William Cohen urging the
preparation for a ground war.  Newsweek magazine, on May 16, confirms
the letter from the Joint Chiefs of Staff.  Newsweek quotes the
Pentagon leaders as "saying that only ground troops would guarantee
fulfillment of the administration's political objectives."

Is the U.S. preparing a new Gulf of Tonkin "incident?"

"You furnish the pictures and I'll furnish the war," is what
newspaper magnate William Randolph Hearst told his frustrated
photographer Fredric Remington, who had wired him from Cuba in 1898
that he could not find the war that he had been sent to cover. Hearst
was an advocate of U.S. expansionism. He had wanted the war against
Spain in 1898 so that the U.S. could grab Cuba, Puerto Rico and the
Philippines from the then failing Spanish empire. The purpose of
sending a photographer was to publish heart-rending pictures of
Cubans suffering under the boot of Spanish domination. Hearst was not
a friend of Cuban freedom. He was an advocate of U.S. colonial
expansion.

The William Randolph Hearst story is not news. We all learn about it
in grade school. It's safe to talk about such brazen manipulation of
an event that is a century old. But it's important to remember how the
wars of the past evolved, especially as we ponder the endless video
footage of the horrific scenes of refugees fleeing Kosovo in recent
weeks. And we should be on guard for new levels of manipulation if the
Pentagon planners opt for a an expansion of the war with ground
troops.

It would be naive to believe that public opinion could not be
momentarily manipulated in order to win at least temporary approval
for an invasion. At such moments the corporate-owned media normally
fall in line, inundating the public with war propaganda.

The war makers have always been able to create or utilize a major
incident or "outrage" as a pretext to win a temporary support or
acquiescence for a war.  Often times, these "incidents" are complete
fabrications created by the war makers themselves.

The mysterious explosion of the battleship USS Maine in Havana harbor
in 1898 was turned into the war slogan "Remember the Maine" and the
anti-war sentiment that existed then was drowned out.  The "outrage"
over the sinking of the Lusitania by German submarines was used to
overcome opposition to the U.S. entrance into World War I.  It was the
"sneak attack" on Pearl Harbor that the U.S. used as a reason to enter
World War II and it was the Gulf of Tonkin "attack" in 1964 by the
north Vietnamese against U.S. naval vessels that was used to escalate
the Vietnam War into a major war. In each case, including the ones
that were entirely faked, these incidents provided the basis for a war
hysteria that momentarily silenced the opposition to escalation.

Demonization and War in Yugoslavia

The United States has specialized in manipulating or even creating
"incidents and allegations" against the Yugoslav government during the
recent civil wars as a means and justification to expand the U.S.
military intervention in the region.

If we go back three-and-a-half years we can remember that the NATO
bombing of Serb positions on Bosnia was preceded by a war hysteria
created around a "Serb atrocity."  The world was horrified to learn of
a major bomb explosion on August 28, 1995 at a small, enclosed market
place in Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. This event was seized on by
the U.S. and NATO to start bombing Serb positions.

What happened? Thirty-seven people waiting in line to buy food were
blown to bits by what was said to be a Bosnian Serb artillery round.
It appeared to be a genocidal-type bombing aimed at civilians and was
used to indicate the absolute depravity of the Serb side.  In that
political climate, 4,000 U.S./NATO air sorties were carried out.

But was it a Serb artillery shell that blew up the marketplace or was
it a cold-blooded provocation by the right wing Bosnian government
forces who were backed by the United States?

New York Times correspondent David Binder reported in the October 2,
1995 issue of The Nation magazine that the bombing came the day after
the Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke had threatened more
active NATO air strikes. Only a pretext or excuse was needed.   Binder
quoted several different military sources who challenged the assertion
that the Bosnian Serb artillery could have been responsible.  A
Canadian specialist with long service in Bosnia had told Binder that
the fuse of the mortar shell recovered from the marketplace crater
"had not come from a mortar tube at all."

Two U.S. administration officials in Sarajevo, who spoke to Binder on
the condition of anonymity,  told him that based on the trajectory,
the depth of the crater, and other concrete evidence, that the shell
was either fired from a very close range or dropped from a nearby roof
into the crowd.  A Russian artillery officer went on TV to announce
that the probability of hitting a street less than 30 feet wide from
Serb military positions one or two miles away was "one in a million."

Regardless of the veracity of the story about the Serb artillery
shelling of the Sarajevo marketplace in August 1995, it became the
immediate rallying flag for NATO intervention and the subsequent
massive bombing campaign of Serb positions in Bosnia.

An examination of the Balkans Wars since 1991 demonstrates that the
demonization campaign against the Yugoslav government, the Serbian
peoples, and all those who stood for the retention of a unified
Yugoslavia was central to the military, economic, and political effort
to subvert and destroy Yugoslavia.

The ultra-right wing Croatian and Bosnian Muslim separatist movements
not only received the financial and military support of United States,
German, and other Western governments. They actually employed a U.S.
public relations firm Ruder Finn that openly admits that it pursued a
public relations campaign likening Serbs to Nazis.  This demonization
campaign was excellently described by Diana Johnstone, in her article
"Seeing Yugoslavia Through a Dark Glass: Politics, Media, and the
Ideology of Globalization."  Johnstone was the European editor of the
newspaper "In These Times" from 1979 to 1990, and press officer of the
Green Group in the European Parliament from 1990 to 1996.

The demonization campaign has always preceded the next escalation of
the imperialist effort to destroy and dismember Yugoslavia.

The Role of the Racak "Massacre"

A similar "atrocity" was used as a pretext for the new bombing war
that started March 24, 1999.

On January 15, 1999, in the Kosovo village of Racak, Yugoslav and
Serbian police forces were accused of carrying out a horrible massacre
of civilians. William Walker, a U.S. diplomat in charge of the
international monitoring force in Kosovo, went to the site with
Western reporters and proclaimed that 45 people had been "killed in
the massacre."  Pictures of 40 bodies laid out in a village Mosque
were put on the front page of all the major Western newspapers.
Walker called it a "crime against humanity" by the Yugoslav government
led by Slobodon Milosevic.  The clamor for U.S. military intervention
took on a new momentum.  Waves of condemnation of the Yugoslav
government swept the U.S., British, and Canadian media, replete with
interviews of the sorrowful survivors.  No questioning of the official
U.S. story was heard.  When the Yugoslav government attempted to give
a contrary explanation, it was cavalierly dismissed.

The United States and its NATO allies immediately moved significant
military forces into the area in January 1999.  More than 400 aircraft
were readied for action.  An aircraft carrier entered the Adriatic Sea
and NATO officials announced that they would be ready to intervene in
Yugoslavia within 48 hours.

The stage had been set for a war.  The massacre story was used to
fully demonize the Yugoslav and Serb government.  The U.S. chose to
delay the war for another two months because it wanted to present
itself as seeking a "diplomatic solution" before the resort to arms.
It organized the completely fraudulent Rambouillet peace process in
early March, presenting the Yugoslav government with a so-called peace
accord that it knew no sovereign government would sign. The
Rambouillet Accord would have allowed NATO troops to occupy Kosovo,
and enjoy unfettered control over the entire Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. It insisted that no NATO personnel could be arrested, put
on trial or held liable for any crime or offense committed during the
occupation of the country.

The Role of William Walker

William Walker was presented as the consummate neutral peace keeper.
Why question his word?  In fact, no major U.S. media outlet did
question his account.  William Walker, however, is not a neutral peace
keeper.  He is a war criminal and a professional liar..  As a special
assistant to Lt. Col. Oliver North and Assistant Secretary of State
Eliot Abrams, Walker was a key operator in Reagan's White House
operation to overthrow the Nicaraguan government in the 1980s.

According to charges filed in U.S. district court by independent
council Lawrence Walsh, Walker was responsible for setting up a phony
humanitarian operation at an airbase in Ilopango, El Salvador.  That
"humanitarian" air base was used to run guns, ammunitions, and
supplies to the fascist Contra mercenaries attacking the Nicaraguan
Revolution.  Walker was also the U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador from
1988 to 1992 when military death squads murdered thousands of
progressive workers, peasants, and young people.  Many of the
Salvadoran death squad leaders were trained at the U.S. military's
School of the Americas at Fort Benning, in Georgia.

While the U.S. media accepted Walker's massacre story and used it to
create the war hysteria that permitted the current NATO bombing war,
many of the European press challenged Walker's and the KLA's account.
The French newspapers Le Monde, Le Figario, and Liberation all ran
stories pointing out major inconsistencies in the "massacre" report.
There was considerable evidence, in fact, that the corpses were not
civilians at all, but KLA soldiers who, after having been killed in a
battle, had been dressed in civilian garb and placed in the mosque.

Is a New "Massacre" in the Works?

The question now for anti-war forces is this: Are the United States
military and CIA actively preparing for a new "massacre," a new
"horror story" of Serb atrocities to serve as a pretext for an
expansion of the war?  Why would they do this?  Because the air war,
while it has been successful in inflicting great suffering on the
people of Yugoslavia, has not broken the resistance of the people or
of the government.  Do they need to create a new momentum of
demonization?  Yes.  As things stand now, the announcement for an
escalation into a ground war would be met by considerable opposition.

There is no reason to be overly speculative, but there is every reason
to be on guard.  At the minimum, we want to share information with
anti-war activists as we learn of it here at the International Action
Center.

There are reports from Croatian sources of another planned massacre.
They report that American and German pilots have been training with
Yugoslav-made planes left for the Croatian Air Force after Croatia
seceded from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.  These planes will
reportedly be painted so that they appear to be part of the Yugoslav
Air Force and then used to bomb refugees in Albania.

We, of course, have no way to verify that this scenario would actually
be enacted.  But if there is to be a ground war, we will most
certainly be treated to the initiation of a war hysteria around some
similar type "atrocity" that can be laid at the doorstep of the
Yugoslav government.

Is an expansion of the war into a ground war imminent?  Certainly the
Clinton Administration is conducting its own internal debate on this
subject just as the Kennedy Administration was holding a similar
debate about Vietnam in the months before Kennedy's murder.

The Consequences of a Ground War

The stakes in a U.S./NATO expansion are high.  The people in
Yugoslavia have a long and proud tradition of resistance to foreign
occupation.  More than one million Serbs, along with many of their
Croatian, Slovenian, Montenegrin, Albanian, and Macedonian comrades in
the Partisan struggle, gave their lives while defeating the Nazi
occupation forces.  The people of Yugoslavia defeated Hitler's
divisions.  Unlike the other countries of central and eastern Europe,
this remarkable achievement took place without the immediate
intervention of the Soviet Red Army.

Judged by the unity that has been demonstrated in Yugoslavia during
the past seven weeks, there is every reason to believe that a
U.S./NATO occupying army would meet with fierce resistance, including
guerrilla war.  U.S. and other NATO troops will certainly suffer many
casualties.

Even though a ground war will lead to immense suffering, even greater
than that inflicted by the air war, that is no reason to believe that
the Pentagon establishment will not select the ground war invasion
option as a way to overcome the steadfastness demonstrated so far in
Yugoslavia.

The Times of London on May 16 ran a story quoting an anonymous British
Defense official who stated that NATO troops could be ready to go into
Kosovo by July or August. To meet this deadline would require
prepartion to send the troops would have to begin very soon.

Jane's Defense Weekly, in a very significant story in the May 10
issue, reports that the current leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army
is a Croatian general, Agim Ceku.  He was in charge of Operation
`Storm,' the bloodiest and most brutal military campaign -until the
current NATO bombing--carried out in the Balkans since the invasion of
the Nazis during World War II.  In August 1995, the Operation `Storm'
offensive against the Serbian population in the Krajina region in
Croatio that drove hundreds of thousands of Serbs from the region that
they have inhabited for centuries.

Ceku is a U.S.-trained military officer who is closely tied to the
Pentagon's Military Professional Resources, Inc. (MPRI). The MPRI is a
semi-official Pentagon contractor, headed by retired U.S. military
officers. It specializes in sending mercenary armies under Pentagon
contract into unofficial wars. The MPRI was contracted by the Pentagon
to organize and train the Croatian Army for its Operation Storm
against Serbs in  Krajina. This massive ground offensive against
hundreds of thousands of civilians was seen as the decisive military
event that forced the Milosevic government in Yugoslavia to sign the
U.S.-brokered Dayton Accord for Bosnia.

Many see the public identification of Ceku as the leader of the KLA as
an ominous sign that a ground war is being prepared.

June 5th Demonstration & the Key Role of the Anti-War Movement

The anti-war movement finds itself in a pivotal position. The ruling
classes in the various imperialist NATO countries are divided about
the war effort. Of course, they are all equally culpable for the
criminal bombing. But some are clearly fearful that this war drive
will backfire. Moreover, the imperialist allies in NATO are also
rivals. Each wants to dominate its own sphere. Germany and the U.S.,
the two most powerful imperialists in NATO, have deeper antagonisms
over the domination of Europe generally. The same inter-imperialist
rivalries that led earlier to World War I and World War II are
re-emerging in the wake of the collapse of the USSR and the socialist
bloc in Eastern Europe.

Classically, it is in the environment of deep divisions within the
ruling class(es) that a popular movement can achieve a decisive
influence.

The broad mobilization of a conscious and angry mass anti-war movement
can become a major factor in the outcome of this struggle.

Our analysis of the war situation is not academic. We assess the
possible variant directions in the war situation to chart a course of
action. The U.S. and NATO may try to achieve an early settlement of
the war. They want the Yugoslav people and the government to surrender
to the demands of creating an imperialist protectorate in Kosovo. They
are as yet unsure about the viability of a ground invasion to
accomplish this objective. But unless a settlement is arrived at soon
there will be greater and greater pressure by the extreme militarists
to expand and widen the war.

We urge all those who oppose the war and who oppose the expansion of
U.S./NATO imperialism to join the growing ranks of organizers to make
the June 5 March on the Pentagon a truly massive event. The
demonstration is organized around very clear demands: "Stop the
Bombing of Yugoslavia" and "Money for Jobs and Education Not War."

The mobilization of a peoples movement in every city, on every campus,
every high school, in the neighborhoods, office buildings and
factories can assume a great and historic role. The power is in the
people. We must all energetically work to make this latent power
become the decisive factor in this struggle.

Sources:
1) NATO and the Balkans, by Ramsey Clark and others, published by the
International Action Center
2) Croation General Heads KLA, by Gary Wilson, Workers World, May 27,
1999
3) Kosovo massacre was faked, by G. Dunkel, Workers World News
Service, Feb. 4, 1999
4) Seeing Yugoslavia Through a Dark Glass, by Diana Johnstone
5) Agence France Press dispatch, May 17, 1999
6) The Rambouillet Accord, Declaration of War Disguised as a Peace
Agreement, by Richard Becker, published by International Action
Center

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nytcov-05.19.99-03:35:59-5645
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Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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