http://www.softwar.net/perry1.html

A Sale to Red China We Will One Day Regret

By Charles Smith

A flood of new details is surfacing about a controversial
technology transfer between a U.S. company and front companies
for the People's Liberation Army, or PLA, brokered by then
secretary of defense William Perry and a high-ranking Pentagon
official who himself had a stake in the deal.

The transfer in late 1994, known as the Hua Mei project,
involved advanced telecommunications technology -- with a
variety of battlefield and civilian applications -- from AT&T
via SC&M Brooks in St. Louis to Galaxy New Technology in China.
The fiber-optic technology sold to Galaxy New Technology is not
a weapon itself, but it greatly enhances the command and control
system linking the Chinese army, navy and air force.

The Chinese may have repackaged the same system and resold it to
Iraq, where it would be able to threaten the lives of U.S.
pilots flying reconnaissance missions.  According to Aviation
Week & Space Technology, Iraq's air-defense system -- code-
named "Tiger-Song" by NATO commanders -- is an advanced internet
for surface-to-air missile batteries using secure fiber-optic
communications.  One of the advantages of Tiger-Song is that it
allows the Iraqi radar installations not associated with Iraqi
missile batteries to lock in on U.S. aircraft and transfer the
information to the missile operators through the secure
fiber-optic network.

Perry faced a firestorm of criticism in early 1996 following
reports that he overruled objections from the Pentagon's
technology directorate, as well as from critics in the National
Security Agency, who wanted to block the transfer in 1994.

Newly released documents from the Commerce Department reveal
that Perry and other officials met with several leading generals
of the PLA at an unannounced closed-door meeting at Commerce on
Nov. 17, 1994.  The documents show the level of contact between
the Chinese army and the Clinton Commerce Department to be far
deeper than previously admitted.

On the U.S. side, Perry was assisted by his friend and colleague
at Stan ford University, John Lewis, who was a business partner
of Galaxy New Technology and a member of the Defense Policy
Board of the Pentagon, as well as a civilian consultant to the
Secretary of Defense, according to Pentagon documents. In 1994
Lewis was executive director of Chicago-based SCM (which later
became SC&M and merged with St. Louis-based Brooks Telecom.)

According to the Far Eastern Economic Review, Lewis was a member
of the SCM board until January, 1995, although Lewis told the
Review that he left SCM at the time he was appointed to the
Defense Policy Board in August, 1994.  SC&M Brooks was acting as
a conduit for AT&T fiber-optic technology wanted by the Chinese
generals.

SC&M/Brooks was financed on the U.S. side by Perry's
investment-banking firm, Hambrecht and Quist, according to one
of the bank's advertisements in 1995. Perry in 1985 helped found
Hambrecht and Quist, which also is the financial backer of the
liberal-leaning Salon magazine.

The Chinese delegation was led by PLA Gen. Ding Henggao -- the
head of the Chinese Commission of Science, Technology and
Industry for National Defense, or COSTIND -- who brought with
him some of the highest-ranking PLA officers to travel outside
of China.  Dine brought his aide and second in Command at
COSTIND, Lt. Gen. Huai Guomo, as well as Maj. Gen. Fu Jiaping
and Maj. Gen. Chen Kaizeng. Ding even brought one of the
spymasters of the Chinese army, Major Gen. Hou Gang, deputy
director of the Intelligence Department of the PLA.

The military affiliation of the company officials meeting with
Perry should have raised serious doubt as to the supposed
civilian application of the fiber-optic system being traded, as
required by Commerce Department licensing regulations. The
cochairmen of the Hua Mei joint venture in 1994, according to
Pentagon documents, were former senator Adlai E. Stevenson III
and Madam Nie Li, wife of Ding. Lie holds her own military rank
-- Madam General Nie of the People's Liberation Army. Lewis is
listed in the same document as one of five directors under
Stevenson's chairmanship.

As Lawrence DiRita, a scholar at the Heritage Foundation,
reported three years ago, Galaxy officials approached several
large U.S.  telecommunications companies prior to 1994 in the
hope of involving them in their partnership with SC&M Brooks.
U.S. executives who spoke to the Galaxy representatives said
that the Chinese side was counting on the influence SC&M brought
to the partnership. Some of those U.S. executives, who declined
to participate because of the obvious national security
implications, asked out of curiosity how Galaxy intended to get
U.S.  government approval to transfer to China dual-use
(civilian/military) technology. "In response, the Chinese spoke
quite openly about the relationships they had already
established with senior Democrats, mentioning Mr. Stevenson by
name," DiRita explained.

Although Commerce Department national-security export rules were
relaxed in April 1994, a Commerce cable to the CIA that same
year nonetheless states, "There is a presumption of denial for
the export of controlled products to military end-users or for
military end-use in China."

Not only was the firm led by a Chinese general, the so-called
"civilian company" was heavily packed with Chinese army officers
and experts.  One member of Galaxy New Technology management,
according to the Defense document, was Director and President
Deng Changru. Deng also was a lieutenant colonel in the PLA and
head of the PLA communications corps. Another Chinese army
officer on the Galaxy New Technology staff was Co-General
Manager Xie Zhichao or Lt. Col. Xie Zhichao, director of the
COSTIND Electronics Design Bureau.

Still another embarrassing aspect of the 1994 transfer deal is
that a key figure in the founding of Galaxy New Technology in
1992 is Hua Di, a Stanford University faculty member who
returned to China in 1997. Some congressional staffers and
intelligence specialists alleged to this reporter their belief
that Hua has been a Chinese agent since he "defected" from China
in 1989.

Hua was born into a family of prominent Communist officials,
studied missile engineering in Russia and worked inside China's
missile program for 24 years. In 1989, Hua fled China after the
Tiananmen Square crackdown on student democracy demonstrators.

In the United States, Hua went to work as a researcher at
Stanford's Center for International Security and Arms Control.
The Center's codirectors were Perry and Lewis.

In 1992, COSTIND's Lt. Gen. Huai -- the same Lt. Gen. Huai who
attended the November 1994 meeting with PLA Gen. Ding --
contacted Hua to start a joint venture called Galaxy New
Technology.

Hua in 1996 told the Far Eastern Economic Review: "Lewis and I
were matchmakers," regarding Galaxy New Technology and SCM.
"Huai is my good friend."

The Galaxy New Technology deal went public in 1996, drawing
reams of press and a General Accounting Office, or GAO, report.
According to the GAO, "Defense Department officials told us that
broadband telecommunications equipment could be used to improve
the Chinese military's command and control communications
networks."

House Judiciary Committee Chairman Henry Hyde of Illinois tried
to prompt an investigation in 1997 by writing Attorney General
Janet Reno a letter outlining his concerns about Galaxy.
According to Hyde's letter to Reno, "In 1994, sophisticated
telecommunications technology was transferred to a U.S.-Chinese
joint venture called HUA MEI, in which the Chinese partner is an
entity controlled by the Chinese military. This particular
transfer included fiber-optic communications equipment which is
used for high-speed, secure communications over long distances."
Despite the GAO report, Hyde's letter, a furious Congress and
embarrassing press reports, Reno did nothing.

In late October 1998, it was reported in the New York Times that
Hua had returned to China and had been arrested on spying
charges. Hua met with Chinese security officials in late 1997
and was assured that he would not be prosecuted. But, on Jan. 6,
1998, Hua was arrested after all in Beijing and charged with
passing state secrets to U.S. officials. The Times reported that
Stanford officials and Hua's business partner, Lewis, have
written to the Chinese government appealing for Hua's release,
while the Clinton administration appears to be strangely silent
about his case.

The likely reason for this silence, according to informed
intelligence specialists, is that Hua could have passed false
missile information to the West, obtained secure communications
for the Chinese army and penetrated the Clinton White House
through the secretary of defense. In this view, Hua served his
partner and comrade Ding. In the end, Hua arranged for his two
benefactors, Ding and Perry, to be part of negotiations on the
deal to harden and secure Chinese military communications.  It
is being said on Capitol Hill that Hua in fact may have returned
home to a hero's welcome and in all likelihood a fat bank
account made on profits from the Galaxy New Technology deal. Hua
was no fool -- nor was he a dissident. In the view of these
sources Hua almost certainly was a spy -- one of many in a
network of spies run by Ding.

In a single stroke, Perry and the Clinton administration sold
Ding what Chinese army spies in a decade of espionage would have
labored to steal. Ding, the master of spies, openly bragged of
his ambition to make the PLA the most powerful military force on
earth. Today, Ding can brag of his success. The Chinese general
is a very rich man who has turned the PLA into a nuclear force
poised to dominate the world. He likely will be remembered as
the spymaster-buymaster, since he bought whatever his agents
couldn't get by surveillance and theft. Needless to say, with
business friends such as Perry and Lewis, who needs enemies?

Charles Smith is a Richmond-based journalist specializing in
information'security issues.

May 31, 1999

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