The Week Online with DRCNet, Issue #91 - May 21, 1999
   A Publication of the Drug Reform Coordination Network

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This issue can be also be read on our web site at
<http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html>.  Check out the DRCNN
weekly radio segment at <http://www.drcnet.org/drcnn/>.

If you haven't yet signed the following legislative petition
alerts, please visit them and join the thousands who have --
and be sure to use the Tell Your Friends page to get the
word out to as many reform supporters as possible!

Asset Forfeiture Reform:  http://www.drcnet.org/forfeiture/
HEA Drug Provision:       http://www.RaiseYourVoice.com/

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Two-Year Anniversary of Hernandez Shooting
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#esequiel

2. Legislation in Alaska Will Restrict State's Medical
   Marijuana Law
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#sb94

3. Australia:  Police Force Closure of Safe Injection Room
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#closure

4. Somali-Canadian Community Under Attack by Khat Enforcers
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#somalis

5. Canadian Medical Group Wants Doctors to Prescribe More
   Pain Meds
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#painmeds

6. Higher Education Act Reform Campaign Update
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#heacampaign

7. Conviction of Juror in Nullification Case Overturned
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#jurors

8. New York:  No Rockefeller Reform This Year, Presentations
   in Westchester Area by ReconsiDer
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#nyreform

9. EDITORIAL:  Growing Pains
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/091.html#editorial

================

1. Two-Year Anniversary of Hernandez Shooting

Residents of the border town of Redford, Texas, mourned
yesterday the two-year anniversary of the fatal shooting of
Esequiel Hernandez by US Marines on anti-drug patrol.
Hernandez was 18 at the time of his death, and was out
herding the family sheep when he was tracked and killed by a
camouflaged, four-marine patrol on the lookout for drug
smugglers and illegal aliens.  Hernandez was carrying an old
.22 rifle that he used to scare off snakes and other
predators.  The killing was the first of an American citizen
by an active duty soldier.


Rev. Mel LaFolette, a resident of Redford, and a member of a
delegation that visited Washington after the shooting in
1997, told the Week Online, "The community is still outraged
at what happened.  Even though there's been a payment of
money by the government, no one believes that justice has
been done."

Rev. LaFolette believes, "it's both a complete irresponsi-
bility and recklessness at the level of administration and
poor training, but I believe the individuals also have some
responsibility for what happened.  There's plenty of guilt
to go around."

Some observers believe the Marines acted according to their
training, but were deployed on a type of mission -- civilian
law enforcement -- for which the military is wholly
unsuited, causing them to make a complete misreading of the
situation, leading to the tragedy.

Residents are also angered by the way the Border Patrol
characterized their community to the Marine patrollers --
full of narcotraffickers, a hostile entity, be suspicious of
everybody.  "We were slandered by the Border Patrol," said
LaFolette.  Nevertheless, the Border Patrol has made "no
apology for the calumniation of the people of Redford."

LaFolette remarked that "everybody on the border, including
tourists, fits the [Border Patrol's] description of a drug
trafficker," explaining, "Any tourist with a backpack first
the description.  A woman with a plastic bag of groceries
fits the description."

We've been told, but have not confirmed, that a demonstra-
tion will take place this Saturday (5/22), noon, in the park
straddling El Paso and its sister city across the border,
Juarez, Mexico.  To confirm, and for information, call the
Immigration Law Enforcement Monitoring Project (ILEMP) El
Paso office at (915) 577-0724.

The following is a statement from the American Friends
Service Committee (of which ILEMP is a project), followed by
an excerpt from ILEMP director Maria Jimenez's comments to
In-Motion magazine, the statement of Rep. James Traficant
(D-OH) supporting legislation he introduced that would
dramatically increase the level of militarization of the
border, and links to extensive background information on the
Hernandez tragedy and an online photo gallery in memory of
Esequiel Hernandez and the tragedy.

STATEMENT OF THE AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE

Today, the American Friends Service Committee remembers
Esequiel Hernandez, Jr. of Redford, Texas.  On this day two
years ago, Hernandez, an 18 year old goatherd, was shot and
killed in his own field by a US Marine working on a drug
surveillance operation.

Outcry from the Redford community and from sympathetic
voices nationwide led to a Pentagon statement earlier this
year that the use of ground troops for armed, covert anti-
drug efforts would be suspended.  However, the AFSC remains
very concerned that such operations could easily resume
without the knowledge of the communities in which they take
place.  There is no legal bar to doing so, and no external
oversight policy exists to inform the public about such
activities.  The operations are only identified after
something goes wrong -- like the Hernandez shooting.

Despite the obvious reluctance of the Pentagon to continue
such operations, Rep. James Traficant of Ohio has
reintroduced a bill this year that would ease the way for
military troops to help patrol the border.  He claims such
aid is "desperately needed" to stem the wave of drugs into
the US.

AFSC is also concerned about the continued partnership of
the military, the Border Patrol, and local law enforcement
(including the sharing of equipment, intelligence, and
training) in the name of drug enforcement.  This collusion
contributes to the overall militarization of border
communities, endangering and infringing on the civil and
human rights of all members of the community.

EXCERPT FROM MARIA JIMENEZ INTERVIEW IN IN-MOTION MAGAZINE

That problem, the problem of the national perception of
viewing the border as a war zone and immigrants as enemies
and subsequently border communities -- you can conclude when
you have military patrols in your town that somehow somebody
thought you were the enemies of this country -- that was why
we were losing.

The Esequiel Hernandez case highlighted the very serious
nature of how we were defining our border politics with
respect to, in this particular case, the drug issue.
Redford had not seen an arrest of a drug trafficker in ten
years according to the DEA (federal Drug Enforcement
Administration).

Again it's because of these perceptions that people have in
the interior of the country.  There's drugs in Washington
DC, why don't they put covert military operations in
Washington, DC?  The border is viewed as a war zone, where
evil enters, as if economic problems ended and began at the
border.  Particularly the populations at the border are seen
as suspect.

I remember the words of Enrique Madrid, one of the residents
of Redford who went to Washington, when he said, "My
grandfather was one of the original founders of Redford".
He had the charter that his grandfather had for the land at
Redford.  Generations grew up in Redford.  He served his
country in the military.  In many different ways they built
the community.  Now all of a sudden there are covert
operations, "My God we suddenly realized we were an enemy."

The perception is that there are expendable populations in
terms of what we would call democratic institutions.  With
all its sophistication, the military in the training of
these Marines could not tell the difference between the good
guy and the bad guy, so to speak.  This shepherd fit the
profile of a drug-runner.  So if he fit the profile of a
drug-runner then it means everybody on the border fits the
profile of a drug-runner.  There are stereotypic views that
are concretized into policy and institutionalized.

STATEMENT OF REP. JAMES A. TRAFICANT, JR.

in the House of Representatives

TUESDAY, MARCH 2, 1999

Mr. TRAFICANT.  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of
legislation I introduced on February 8, 1999, which would
authorize the deployment of US troops to assist law
enforcement in patrolling US borders.  I urge all Members to
cosponsor this important piece of legislation.

Our current program to stop drugs from coming into America
is a joke.  Eighty percent of the cocaine and heroin
smuggled into America is transited across the US-Mexico
border.  We are losing the war on drugs.  If hundreds of
thousands of US soldiers can be sent all over the world to
protect other countries, certainly a few thousand can be
redeployed here in the US to help protect America from the
scourge of drugs.

My bill, H.R. 628, authorizes the Department of Defense to
assign US troops to assist federal law enforcement in
monitoring and patrolling US borders, and inspecting cargo,
vehicles and aircraft at points of entry into the US Under
the bill such assistance could be provided only at the
express request of the US Attorney General or Secretary of
the Treasury.  The bill also mandates special law
enforcement training for troops deployed to border areas,
requires all US troops patrolling the border to be
accompanied by federal law enforcement agents, bars soldiers
from making arrests, and requires the federal government to
notify state and local government officials of any
deployment of US troops.  Last year the House overwhelmingly
approved a similar provision that I sponsored as an
amendment to the FY 1999 DoD bill.  The amendment, however,
was dropped during a House-Senate conference.

Make no mistake about it, the Border Patrol, INS and Customs
Service desperately need the help our military could
provide.  For example, only three out of every 100 trucks
coming into the US from Mexico are inspected.  In addition,
recent news reports reveal that the INS is considering
releasing thousands of dangerous illegal aliens currently
being held in detention centers because of funding and
manpower shortages.  And finally, in just the last year,
federal agents in one border sector alone seized 132 tons of
marijuana and more than 3 tons of cocaine worth a total of
$408 million.

I recently cosigned a letter with a number of my colleagues
imploring the President to fill a backlog of vacant Border
Patrol positions.  But clearly this is not enough. By the
time those positions are filled with qualified candidates,
who knows how many more illegal drugs will hit our streets
and reach our children?

Mr. Speaker, it's time to put a stranglehold on our borders
once and for all.  I urge all members to cosponsor H.R. 628.

LINKS FOR FURTHER BACKGROUND INFORMATION:

American Friends Service Committee Immigration Law
Enforcement Monitoring Project
http://www.afsc.org/pdesc/pd139.htm

Esequiel Hernandez Memorial Photo Gallery
http://www.mapinc.org/DPFT/hernandez/gallery/

Interview with Border Militarization Scholar Timothy Dunn
http://www.drcnet.org/wol/077.html#dunn

War on Drugs: Military Perspectives and Problems, by Joseph
Miranda for DRCNet
http://www.drcnet.org/military/

National Drug Strategy Network news coverage:  Extensive
coverage available in the Newsbriefs archives, visit
http://www.ndsn.org/search.html and perform search on
Esequiel Hernandez.

Week Online news coverage:

8/22/97: No Indictments for Marines Who Shot Hernandez
http://www.drcnet.org/wol/008.html#military

9/13/97: House Passes Bill Increasing Border Militarization
http://www.drcnet.org/wol/011.html#borderwar

11/2/97: Plan to Put 10,000 US Troops on the Texas-Mexico
Border Dies in Committee
http://www.drcnet.org/wol/017.html#border

1/15/98: Pentagon Proposes Ending Military Border Patrols
http://www.drcnet.org/wol/025.html#pentagon

2/27/98: No Federal Charges to be Filed Against Marine Who
Shot Hernandez
http://www.drcnet.org/wol/031.html#hernandez

9/11/98: Texas Paper Releases Scathing Pentagon Review of
Esequiel Hernandez Shooting
http://www.drcnet.org/wol/058.html#hernandez

2/5/99: Pentagon Restricts Use of Troops in Border Drug War
http://www.drcnet.org/wol/077.html#pentagon

================

2. Legislation in Alaska Will Restrict State's Medical
   Marijuana Law

A little over two months after Alaska's medical marijuana
initiative, Proposition 8, went into effect, the Alaska
House and Senate have passed legislation that would restrict
its implementation.  The bill, S.B. 94, passed the Senate on
May 13 and was approved with amendments by the House on
May 17.  The Senate passed the amended version of the bill
the next day, and now awaits final approval by the governor.

Under S.B. 94, patients who want to use marijuana will be
required to register with the state, and will be allowed to
possess a maximum of one ounce of marijuana or six plants
for their personal use.  Sale or distribution between
patients will be prohibited.

Supporters of Prop 8. said they were disappointed with the
restrictions, but noted that it could have been much worse.
The original bill, as introduced by state Senator Loren
Leman, would have given police broad access to the patients'
registry, and another provision would have forced doctors to
testify that their patients had exhausted every "legal"
treatment before trying marijuana.  Further, only specific
conditions such as AIDS, cancer, and glaucoma would have
qualified as a "debilitating medical condition" that
justified marijuana use.

"The burden that would have been placed on doctors would
have made the law unworkable," said Gina Pesulima,
spokeswoman for Americans for Medical Rights.

Pesulima credited patients and voters who supported Prop. 8,
many of whom testified before the legislature in debates on
S.B. 94, with making sure the most onerous restrictions did
not get through.  "Overall, we're not happy that it passed,
but we are happy that in the process, a lot of patients came
out in support of the law & giving it a chance to work."

Another positive result of the amendment process, she said,
is a provision that will allow physicians' assistants and
nurse practitioners to make official recommendations for
patients who need marijuana.  This is particularly helpful
in Alaska, where many patients live in remote areas with
limited access to doctors.

Alaskans for Medical Rights, which sponsored Prop. 8, is on
the web at <http://www.alaskalife.net/AKMR/>.

================

3. Australia:  Police Force Closure of Safe Injection Room
 - Peter Watney, Australian Drug Law Reform Foundation

Prior to the opening of the T-room at the Wayside Chapel,
Kings Cross, Sydney, the Premier of New South Wales had
announced the holding of a Drug Summit to be held at
Parliament House, Sydney from 17th to 21st May.

Last week the police continued to attend the T-room
openings, and after being denied entry on the Monday,
returned with a warrant on the Wednesday.  They charged one
of the users of the room.

The organising committee announced that they would close the
T-room during the term of the Drug Summit, and would make
decisions as to whether they would reopen depending on the
results of the Summit.

After the closing of the T-room its need was underlined by
the discovery of a man in one of the outside toilets, dead
from a drug overdose.  It was assumed that the presence of
the police had discouraged him from using the T-room.

Names of the participants and transcripts of the Summit can
be seen at <http://www.nsw.gov.au/drugsummit1999/>.

================

4. Somali-Canadian Community Under Attack by Khat Enforcers

Members of Toronto, Canada's Somali community are in shock
over a sudden police crackdown against the substance khat,
with attendant civil liberties abuses, and are seeking to
have police searches of homes reined in and the legislation
that banned the substance last year repealed.  And article
in the May 3rd issue of the Toronto Star reported that 50
Somalis had met the previous day and were planning to meet
with police to discuss the problem.

The Week Online spoke with Farah Khayre, executive director
of Midaynta, Association of Somali Service Agencies.  Khayre
explained, "Khat in the Somali culture has traditionally
been used socially, much like coffee in the western culture.
It has no criminality associated with it, and on the
contrary helps to create a friendly environment, even to
help resolve disputes."  Used primarily by adult males,
Khayre continued, "It's like getting together over coffee or
beer to share ideas."  Khat is frequently used while meeting
to plan weddings or engagements.

Khayre believes that the trouble over khat started in 1992,
when US Marines were stationed in Somalia as the principal
agents of a U.N. peacekeeping force.  According to Khayre,
US soldiers experimented with khat, and US military
officials put forward khat use as an explanation for
deficiencies in performance.  Thus having been brought to
the attention of the DEA and other US drug warriors, the US
government proceeded to place khat in its list of controlled
substances and to pressure foreign governments, including
that of Canada, to crack down on khat.

According to Khayre, "[The law] was passed quietly, not even
fully debated in Parliament, no community information was
sought, and no outreach to the community to information
about this law was made.  We just started getting these
calls from people whose had been arrested or their homes
broken into.  The wake up call was these calls from our
clients."

Ali Mohamud, of Dejint Beesha Somali Multi-Service Center
Agency, told the Week Online that "police from Toronto have
been raiding apartments and taking gold and money."  In
Somali culture, gold is often crafted into ornaments, which
will often take on the same kind of sentimental value as
jewelry and other gifts and heirlooms can have in other
cultures.  Mohamud shares the shock and surprise of his
fellow Canadian Somalis.  "I did not even think such things
could happen in Canada."

Midaynta's clients have also reported abusive police
tactics.  Khayre stated, "What I can say is that in many
cases, according to the reports that we have been receiving
from clients, the professional standards of the police have
not been followed -- break-ins without warrants, no receipts
for confiscated items, not a professional way of conducting
police raids."  When asked if he believed Somalis are being
treated differently from other Canadians, Khayre answered,
"If these reports turn out to be on firm ground, then yes,
we can say we have been treated differently."

Somali organizations are seeking repeal of the law
criminalizing khat, and are preparing to challenge the law
in the courts.  In the meantime, they acknowledge the right
of law enforcement agencies to enforce the law, but call on
them to halt the abusive tactics and invasions of privacy
that the sudden enforcement effort has entailed.  "If they
find [khat] at the airport, they have the right to arrest
people who are found with it in their possession," said
Khayre; but while the court challenge is pursued, "police
should stop invading Somali homes."

Khayre said that "Khat, like any other social thing, every
one has problems, health, economic or otherwise.  What's
surprising is that there is absolutely no record of crime as
a result of khat use, while alcohol is the number one such
problem.  Is it simply a cultural bias?"  Khayre continued,
"Khat helps a lot of Somalis to relieve stress, which is a
major issue in a community that's come to a new culture or
environment.  So for them, it's more of a therapy."

Khayre is also surprised at the recent police behavior.  "We
work with police, they are decent people, an example of good
behavior.  I don't understand how something like this could
happen."

(Read about drug policy and reform efforts in Canada at the
Canadian Foundation for Drug Policy web site, recently
relocated to its own domain at <http://www.cfdp.ca/>.)

================

5. Canadian Medical Group Wants Doctors to Prescribe More
   Pain Meds

The College of Physicians and Surgeons of Nova Scotia wants
doctors to prescribe narcotics and other controlled drugs
more liberally when treating patients with extreme or
chronic pain, according to the Globe and Mail newspaper.

At the college's annual meeting last Friday, May 14,
outgoing college president Bill Acker said "There has been a
fear that prescribing narcotics will result in patient
addiction or regulatory sanctions.  This has led to patients
being undertreated for pain."  College registrar Cameron
Little added, "patients should be given as much medication
as needed to kill pain."

Undertreatment of pain is also a major problem in the United
States, where fear of drug enforcement and regulatory
sanctions has created a "war on drugs" climate in which
adequate pain treatment is discouraged.  (See our
introduction to this important topic online at
<http://www.stopthedrugwar.org/pain.html>.)

Skip Baker, president of the American Society for Action on
Pain, told the Week Online that they often hear from
patients in Canada.  "Quite often they have a terrible time
in Canada," Baker said.  "Some of them actually come down
here and pay out of their own pocket, because they have a
terrible time getting treated in Canada."  Canada's health
care system is government-financed.

"They kind of follow the lead of America, and when was
America went crazy over drugs and was overcome by
narcophobia, Canada followed suit, to the great detriment of
their own people."

Baker had been adequately treated with morphine for
ankylosing spondilitis, an extremely painful bone disease,
until the drug war intensified during the 1980's and early
1990's.  The resulting anti-drug political affected the
medical regulatory agencies, frightening physicians who had
previously been willing to prescribe narcotics for pain
relief.  Baker's physician told him that the Virginia Board
of Medicine was taking away doctors' licenses and that he
couldn't continue to prescribe for him.  Baker was forced to
resort to alcohol for pain control, which affected his
ability to perform on his job as a professional
photographer.

Today, Baker and ASAP help pain patients find doctors who
understand proper pain treatment and are willing to brave
the regulatory and legal risks to provide it.  Visit ASAP
online at <http://www.actiononpain.org>.

(Recent DRCNet coverage of the pain issue:
 http://www.drcnet.org/wol/087.html#undertreatment)

================

6. Higher Education Act Reform Campaign Update
 - Kris Lotlikar, DRCNet University Coordinator

The Higher Education Act (HEA) reform campaign's campus
activity on campuses has wrapped up for the school year, as
students finished up their final exams and left for the
summer.  In only six months, students on over 200 campuses
defined themselves as a valuable part of the drug policy
reform movement as they united in opposition to a law that
delays or denies federal financial aid to drug offenders.
Bill H.R. 1053, sponsored by Barney Frank, which would
repeal the HEA drug provision, gained three new co-sponsors
in the last week and now has the support of 14 congressional
representatives.  (Visit http://thomas.loc.gov/ for
information on any federal legislation; search on H.R. 1053
for info on the HEA reform bill.)

The student campaign, coordinated by DRCNet, has been
formally endorsed by ten student governments and two
statewide student associations.  Over thirty organizations,
including the American Public Health Association, the
National Organization of Women, the NAACP and the ACLU, have
endorsed a national sign-on letter supporting H.R. 1053.
(Visit http://www.u-net.org/supporters.html for a regularly
updated list of the campaign's and letter's endorsers.)

Being organized primarily online, the HEA reform campaign
has made full use of cyberspace to enhance and expand
tradition activism efforts.  Over 11,000 emails and faxes
have been sent to congress calling for reform, from
<http://www.RaiseYourVoice.com>.  (Please visit
RaiseYourVoice.com is you haven't already, and add your vote
to the students' call for sanity.)

Student leaders will not be sitting idle with summer.  Many
of the students involved not the HEA reform campaign will be
playing an active roll in developing strategy and materials
to kick off in September.  Fall semester of 1999 promises to
be a breakthrough year for campus activism around drug
policy reform.  Issues such as prison vs. higher education
spending and harm reduction on campuses offer opportunities
to engage larger numbers of students in a discourse over the
consequences of the drug war.  A national student leadership
conference on drug policy reform is being planned at George
Washington University in November.

E-mail discussion groups are being formed for students who
want to get more involved in the HEA reform campaign and
other student efforts.  If you have any ideas, questions, or
would just like to play a larger role, send an e-mail to
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

================

7. Conviction of Juror in Nullification Case Overturned
 - Marc Brandl

Colorado juror Laura Kriho, convicted in 1997 of contempt of
court for failing to inform attorneys during jury selection
on a drug case of her opposition to the drug laws, has won
her appeal.

In 1994, Laura Kriho was the lone holdout against conviction
in a Gilpin County, Colorado drug possession case.  During
deliberations, Kriho told her fellow jurors about the
penalty the defendant faced if convicted, and she told them
that she was opposed to the current drug laws, and that drug
problems should be handled by families, not the courts.  She
also shared with them her understanding of legal doctrine
known as jury nullification, which holds that jurors may
judge a law on its merits and to refuse to convict when
doing so would violate their consciences.

When the judge found out what she said, and that she had not
informed the prosecution during jury selection of her views
on the drug war, he charged her with contempt of court.  She
was convicted in 1997, and fined $1,200.  In his ruling,
judge Henry Nieto wrote that Kriho "deliberately and
willfully withheld and concealed information which was
relevant and important to selecting a fair and impartial
jury, and that Ms. Kriho did so with the intent of serving
on the jury for the purpose of obstructing justice."  Last
month (4/29), a Colorado court of appeals disagreed, and
Nieto's ruling was overturned.

Legal experts and nullification activists have kept a close
watch on the case.  "What happened to Laura Kriho was
bizarre and completely unfair," said Clay Conrad, a Texas
attorney and author of Jury Nullification: The Evolution of
a Doctrine.  "It is obvious from the context of the entire
case they prosecuted her for her verdict.  If they can
punish jurors for their verdicts, the jury system is just a
living fossil brought out to harm people.  There is nothing
left if jurors can't be independent and vote their own
consciences."

The 62-page appellate ruling was based not on whether
nullification had been used, but whether allowing jurors to
testify about conversations that took place during jury
deliberations violates the sanctity of those deliberations.
"You can't use evidence of juror deliberations in a court
proceeding," explained Eugene Volokh, a constitutional law
professor at the University of California at Los Angeles.
"Certainly, this is something that encourages jurors to be
as candid as possible during the proceeding."

Volokh said he was concerned that the recent popularity of
jury nullification could make the practice too commonplace.
"I think it's right that we can't throw a juror in jail for
nullifying.  At the same time, we should also not encourage
jurors to nullify.  If jurors would only nullify bad laws
and never nullify good laws, that would be great.  The
downside of jury nullification is you are more likely to get
decisions based on racial considerations, or just whether
the person seems appealing or not.  These judgments will be
used to invalidate and nullify laws that are actually good
laws."

What effect, if any, jury nullification can have on drug
laws remains a point of contention.  While many judges
discourage the practice, Conrad said some may welcome
nullification as a way to counter the effects of mandatory
minimums.  "A great many trial judges are opposed to the
sentencing guidelines.  A lot of them don't like being
drafted into becoming soldiers of the war on drugs.  These
trial judges might just start allowing nullification
arguments in their courtroom," he said.  "This allows the
defense some out once they realize they have the prerogative
of allowing such arguments to be made."

Nullification activist Larry Dodge told the Week Online,
"What you're looking at here is a chance for the people to
remark on the laws which govern them, to bring them back in
alignment with the will of the people.  Isn't that what
democracy is all about?  Here the government is trying to
clean up the juries so the verdict will be pro-government.
We shouldn't be cleaning up juries so the drug war is
prolonged."

But Volokh said the disconnect between jurors and the drug
laws is often overestimated.  "It is not as if it is the
good, virtuous jurors against the bad, evil legislator," he
said.  "Jurors are also voters and as voters they support
legislators that support the war on drugs.  You shouldn't
expect too much from jury nullification."

As for Kriho, she could be retried, but the appeals court
ruled that the opinions she revealed during jury
deliberations, which were used as evidence to convict her,
will not be admissible in any future case against her.  "I'm
happy that it was overturned," she said of her conviction.
"I wish it had gone further to protect jurors from being
prosecuted."

For more information on jury nullification, visit the Fully
Informed Jury Association online at <http://www.fija.org>.

================

8. New York:  No Rockefeller Reform This Year, Presentations
   in Westchester Area by ReconsiDer

An article in Thursday's New York Times reported that the
Democratic leadership in the state legislature has rejected
a proposal by the Republican governor to enact modest
reforms to the state's harsh Rockefeller Drug Laws,
disappointing members of the party who saw the Pataki
proposal as a rare opportunity to change sentencing laws
that the party has long opposed.  A detailed report on the
situation will appear in next week's issue of the Week
Online.  Learn about the campaign against the Rockefeller
Drug Laws on the web site of the William Moses Kunstler Fund
for Racial Justice, <http://www.kunstler.org/>.

The Rockefeller Drug Laws have been criticized by the
respected human rights organization Human Rights Watch.  HRW
holds that these and similar mandatory minimum laws violate
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention
Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment.  Visit Human Rights Watch's Drugs
and Human Rights in the United States Campaign online at
<http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/drugs/>, including substantial
information on the impact of the Rockefeller laws.

Peter Christ, retired police captain and leading speaker of
the New York State-based ReconsiDer: Forum on Drug Policy,
will be appearing at WESPAC in White Plains, NY, on May
28th, 7:30pm.  WESPAC is located at 255 Martin Luther Blvd.,
near E. Post Rd.  Contact WESPAC for further information at
(914) 682-0488.  Peter is tentatively scheduled to speak at
a residence in Northern Westchester on Thursday, May 27th.
For those interested, contact Jeff at (914) 764-8641.
Contact Mike Smithson at the ReconsiDer speakers bureau at
(315) 488-3630 to schedule further talks.

================

9. EDITORIAL:  Growing Pains

Adam J. Smith, Associate Director, [EMAIL PROTECTED]

As the issues of drug policy and reform come to the fore in
American political debate, the sunlight shines on an
incredibly diverse and fast-growing movement.  Differing
perspectives, varying agendas and widely disparate tactical
imperatives highlight the relationships between the more
than 350 groups and organizations who consider themselves,
in some respect at least, drug policy reformers.

There are groups who are concerned specifically with
marijuana laws (and in some cases, specifically with
marijuana itself).  There are groups that work on sentencing
policy, syringe exchange, and broader harm-reduction.  There
are groups advocating for study into the therapeutic value
of psychedelics, for access to adequate medication for
chronic pain patients, or against the practice of civil
asset forfeiture.  There are organizations concerned solely
with the impact of the drug war on Latin America and its
indigenous peoples, fighting for greater access to
methadone, and for the legalization of industrial hemp.  And
of course, there are a growing number of organizations who
advocate for a re-thinking of the entire drug war, to whom
all of these issues are simply symptoms of the disease of
Prohibition.

A reporter called my office this week to ask about this very
phenomenon.  "Why so many different groups?", he asked.  "Is
the fragmentation a threat to the cause of reform?  What of
the disagreements between them?"

There is no doubt that the drug policy reform movement is
larger and more potent than at any time since the "Wets"
rose up and overturned alcohol prohibition.  A growing
number of successes at the ballot box, a higher profile in
the mainstream media and a shift in the way various drug
policy issues are being addressed at the national level all
speak to the progress that is being made.  "The growing
number of groups working in reform," I told the reporter,
"is most certainly a product of the rise of these issues to
national prominence."  A good thing, all in all, though
certainly there are growing pains.

The majority of those growing pains are simply a matter of
the movement's funding not keeping up with its growth.  Drug
policy reform is not unique among maturing movements in that
respect, but certainly, the issue's potency has made it more
difficult to raise funds for than, say, cancer research or
the symphony.  Larger numbers of activists, therefore, have
found themselves in fierce competition for limited funding,
creating feelings of jealousy and frustration and
highlighting disagreements over priorities.

The other major internal issue has been about tactics.
Should an organization that is fighting for legal syringe
exchange, with AIDS spreading like wildfire through poor
communities and thousands of lives on the line, feel obliged
to put its weight behind broader reforms, even if they agree
wholeheartedly with these, at the risk of alienating
political allies who have not yet come around on these other
issues?

And what of the marijuana rallies?  50,000 people coming
together on the Boston Commons to hear speeches, listen to
music and partake in the civil disobedience of lighting up
in public is a powerful sight and an empowering experience.
But what of the negative repercussions?  The stereotyping of
reformers as users, potentially frightening away non-using
supporters who will be necessary in the coming political
battles?  What of the adolescents who will undoubtedly be
present, and the impact of their red-eyed, droopy-lidded
pictures in the newspapers?  What impact do those pictures
have on the work of other reformers who are working hard to
bring new coalitions to the table in the name of reform?

And yet, marijuana is the single most used illicit
substance, with over 70 million Americans admitting to
having tried it at least once.  Don't its users, both
regular and occasional, comprise the largest segment of
those put at risk by punitive prohibition?  And what gives
anyone the right to question them for publicly displaying
their outrage, as the government seeks to take their
freedom, their homes, their property and even their families
by force, while users of licit drugs such as tobacco and
alcohol -- who undoubtedly do more damage both to themselves
and to others -- are afforded all of the rights of other
Americans?

The drug policy reform movement stands at an interesting
precipice.  Ready to step into the fight as a legitimate and
mainstream issue on the American political scene, it is
dogged by issues both standard for any growing movement and
unique unto itself.  The funding will come, and though not
every organization will benefit, those who are having the
most impact will generally be supported.  The stigmatization
of the issue, borne of decades of government propaganda as
well as of a concerted effort by many in power to label any
reform effort as "pro-drug," is also beginning to fade.

What will not change is the wide array of issues subsumed
under the rubric of drug policy, and the widely disparate
constituencies that these issues represent.  But while
disagreement over tactics and priorities are likely to
continue, the fact is that nearly everyone who comes to the
issue of drug policy -- whether through the prism of AIDS or
incarceration or asset forfeiture or marijuana -- soon
discovers that the problem is the drug war, and the very
paradigm within which our nation has chosen to deal with
substances, the rights of free people to use them, and the
consequences of their abuse.

In the end, then, the movement, such as it is, is headed in
the right direction.  We are reaching larger and larger
segments of the population through various, interconnected
issues by the use of tactics of all kinds, some inarguably
more effective than others.  At some point in the not-too-
distant future, the melding will occur.  Whether it will be
the result of a single, unifying event, or the rise of a
charismatic and nationally recognized leader, or simply by
the process of a national realization, over time, that we
must find a more rational way to deal with drugs -- both
licit and illicit.  It is coming.  The rapid growth and
burgeoning diversity of the people and organizations who are
advocating for reform is testimony to its inevitability.

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