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NATO: Beyond Collective Defense, Part Two 
NATO, Atlantic Union, and Economic Socialism 
by Steve Farrell

Echoing Shakespeare's "there's small choice in rotten apples," author and editor John 
F. 
McManus described the dilemma of our time, in his book Financial Terrorism as the "the 
age 
of false alternatives." 

Contemplating NATO's attack on sovereign Kosovo the rationale for this unjust war 
ranges 
from the camouflaged "peacekeeper" claim of "peace, peace," when there is no peace, to 
the 
"opposition" opinion which supposes �good intentions, but poor judgment,� to the blind 
patriot 
slant which submits "since we�re there anyway, let's win!" 

Crystal clear proof that there is a "famine [of legitimate choices] in the land." But 
then, the 
coming forth of NATO, as a bulwark against the designs of the evil empire and its 
Soviet 
master, was a false alternative from the start, leaving any position shy of a call for 
its 
abolition, wanting. 

As my last column contended, legally speaking, NATO never was the mere "defense 
alliance" 
the spin artists claimed. The North Atlantic Treaty and the U.N. Charter defined NATO 
as a 
regional arrangement under the United Nations, possessing not just a mandate to act 
for in 
behalf of itself, but for the United Nations as well, and not just to fight in 
defense, but in offense 
against vague �threats� to �security� and �stability,� as defined by the �opinion� of 
one or more 
NATO members. 

But NATO's troubles run deeper than that. 

1. The North Atlantic Treaty contracted its members to not just collective military 
action, but to 
strive for collective economic and political action as well. 2. The goal of NATO�s 
proponents, in 
this connection, was nothing less than to so habituate common action that European 
economic 
and political Unity would naturally result - within 50 years. 3. The more difficult 
union with the 
United States and Canada, would follow later, via the same �common action� strategy. 
4. The 
economic and political agenda authorized by NATO was in large part implemented under 
the Marshall plan, in its supposed war against communism, and was hypocritically, 
socialistic. 

Some saw the coming danger from the word go. 

In August of 1949, former Under Secretary of State J. Rueben Clark Jr, a noted 
Constitutional 
and international law scholar recognized that our signature committing us to NATO at 
once 
forsook Washington�s foreign policy to �never entangle ourselves in the broils of 
Europe,� and 
the Monroe Doctrine�s policy to �never...suffer Europe to intermeddle with 
cis-Atlantic affairs.� 

An especially disturbing part of the treaty in his view, was that this �military 
alliance� contained 
�economic and political provisions� which beckoned international interference in the 
�domestic 
policies� of nations. 

He cited NATO Articles 2 and 3. 

Politically, article 2 requires the parties to �contribute toward the further 
development of peaceful 
and friendly international relations by strengthening their free institutions by 
bringing about a 
better understanding of the principles upon which these institutions are founded..." 

Some might call that political agenda innocent, or in our best interest. 

Clark didn't. He knew that European and American interpretations of liberty are on 
opposite 
ends of the political spectrum, as we are now evidencing in the World Court. Europe, 
for instance, 
accepts the lex regia perspective on rights which asserts that rights proceed from the 
state, and 
thus, can be abridged by the state. Whereas the United States adopts the natural law 
perspective 
which recognizes rights proceed from God; and that governments exist solely to protect 
rights. 

And again, Europe's judicial system operates under the Napoleonic Code which would 
leave the 
accused "guilty until proven innocent" while we assert "innocent until proven guilty." 
No trivial 
differences. In the former the state is sovereign, in the latter, the individual is. 

Clark wondered which standard of liberty would be the measuring stick by which free 
institutions 
would be "strengthened" within or without NATO. 

Hints emerge. 

NATO members are: committed, say articles 2 and 3, to "promoting conditions of 
stability� 
suggesting planned, not free economies; committed to promoting "well-being" and 
"mutual 
[economic] aid" implying the forced redistribution of the wealth (the U.S. taxpayer 
has always 
paid the lions share); committed to "eliminate conflict in their international 
economic policies" 
illuding to free trade - if a controlling hand over international trade equals free; 
committed to 
engage in "economic collaboration" portending economic union; and committed to the 
establishment 
of a European-wide military force on a "continuous" basis, which "spells great 
standing armies 
[that] have always meant war and the loss of liberty." 

The legal language gave us a hint which �free institutions� would prevail; some of 
NATO�s 
promoters were more blunt. 

First, would they respect the American people�s sovereign right to check NATO�s wars 
via 
Congress? Walter Mills answers in the New York Tribune: "By its very origin and nature 
the 
pact...recognizes the limits placed by practical politics upon the theoretic and 
mystic freedom 
of Congress to declare, or refuse to go to war." 

Is that what our President, who pushed for NATO believed? 

Yes - within months, President Truman, cited the North Atlantic Treaty as authority to 
make 
war on sovereign Korea without the consent of Congress 

Did the North Atlantic Treaties provision for �continuous� build up of NATO�s military 
forces, 
mean constant war and standing armies as Clark predicted? 

Yes, one year after the Treaty was signed, Mr. Truman informed Congress: "The 
rearmament 
of the Allies must be planned, not wholly or even primarily to fight a major defensive 
war against 
the Soviet Union...but to deal effectively with the possibility of a series of limited 
wars, such 
as that in Korea, on a continuing basis. 

Political commitment to defend certain areas of Europe and the North Atlantic are 
insufficient. 
There must be a review of United States commitments in the Middle East and Asia." 

If you will, an unlimited, imperialistic, military objective for NATO. 

Next comes the political agenda. 

Was it the intent of NATO to retain sovereign military forces, who would respond 
together 
only when under attack? 

Said Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. �This [North Atlantic Pact] means helping the development 
of a 
Western European armed force...a uniforce.....with headquarter at Fountainebleau in 
France.� 

But, Secretary of State Dean Acheson, took it a step further. In what can only be 
described 
as a blatant move to force permanent military interdependence on NATO members with an 
attending subversion of their sovereignty, he told a joint session of Congress: �The 
most 
important action of the council...[was] the recommendation....[to create] balanced 
collective 
forces, rather than the duplication by each nation in large or small way of what every 
other 
nation was doing� 

This he said, �demonstrates that each country will rely on every other member of the 
community, 
and that the community will look to each country to contribute what it is best able to 
contribute 
to the common defense in accordance to a common plan.� 

In overly simplistic terms, Nation A provides the tanks, Nation B the fighter jets, 
nation C the navy. 
With the goal that no one nation has the complete program, and is thus dependent, read 
that 
forever dependent, upon membership in the alliance. 

And what more? �If we put this principle into practice, it follows that the members of 
the Atlantic 
community will have to intensify their practice of developing common policies on the 
major 
problems of common concern in the field of foreign affairs, and that they develop even 
closer 
and more cohesive economic policies.� 

The kind of economic objectives he saw arising out of this alliance? �A cooperative 
approach 
to the cost of defense;� an effort to �maintain and improve standards of living;� an 
effort to 
�provide essential assistance to other (non-NATO) free nations of the world in their 
development;
� indeed, the mission of NATO, said he, was �to advance the welfare� of the entire 
human race. 
Welcome to utopia. 

He cited as an example of cooperative economic enterprise which forge economic and 
political 
union, the �coal-steel pool.� These supra-national regulatory bodies, created under 
the coercion 
of Marshall fund grants and loans, operated over and above participating European 
nations, and 
thus subverted national sovereignty, on one enterprise at a time. Such joint �economic 
cooperation� 
would one day pave the road to the development of a North Atlantic �economic system,� 
he said. 

Let it be perfectly clear, the literature on NATO and the Marshall Plan, have always 
had one goal 
in mind - European Union followed by Atlantic Union. As Secretary of State, Henry 
Kissinger in 
his 1972 book �American Foreign Policy� made this startling point: 

�European Unity is a reality. The United State welcomes and supports it in all its 
dimensions, 
political as well as economic. We believe it must be made irreversible and that it 
must strengthen 
Trans-Atlantic ties.� He added: �European unity, in our view, is not contradictory to 
Atlantic unity.� 

In forging both sides of the Atlantic into one government, �military arrangements are 
not enough,� 
also, �political cooperation [must be] established which links each partner with the 
survival of the 
others.� 

�A new generation habituated to cooperative efforts,� he said, was the key. It was the 
way the 
Marshall Plan did it to Europe, he stated. 

Finally, not only did the planners and promoters of NATO see this as a regional 
subversion of 
sovereignty, but their economic forecast was as socialistic as the Treaty sounded. 

In How Can Europe Survive?, noted free market economist Professor Hans Sennholz, in a 
piercing 
critique of the coming European Union, discloses, from the close of World War II 
through 1953 
the United States government poured more than $43 billion dollars through the Marshall 
Plan, and 
other �reconstruction programs, into Europe. These were to him, �a windfall for 
socialism.� For 
along with the money, came not pressures to �abolish controls and return to sounder 
principles 
of government,� but rather to foster controls and centralization at every turn. 

Professor Michael J. Hogan, in his work The Marshall Plan, concurred with Sennholz: 
�Through 
American aid...Marshall Planners tried to underwrite industrial modernization 
projects, promote 
Keynesian strategies of aggregate economic management (Keynes was a Fabian socialist), 
[and]...encourage progressive tax policies (the communist graduated income tax), 
low-cost 
housing programs, and other measures of economic and social reform.� 

This is in part the agenda of NATO. It�s long term goal was to work hand in hand with 
the 
Marshall plan to forge a united Europe and later a united Atlantic along socialistic 
lines. 
Today, NATO continues to foster a European dependency upon the United States and is 
thus still subject to the less than pro free enterprise, less than pro- U.S. 
sovereignty leanings 
of our State Department. 

The 50 year goal of creating a European Union, has been completed, Europe is drenched 
in 
socialism, as planned, and Yugoslavia, thanks to our participation in a war which 
didn�t involve 
us, will no doubt be forced into the union, as a very much less than sovereign member, 
for security sake. 

And you can�t help but wonder, how long until America experiences the same fate? 

|==============================|
The better the society, the less law there
will be. In heaven,  there will be no law; in
hell there will be nothing but law, and due 
process will be meticulously observed.
        ~G. Gilmore - Age of American Law
|==============================|
      

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