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WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkan Crisis

NATO's public face: Jamie Shea

By David Walsh
27 May 1999

Back to screen version

The following caption appeared in April under a photograph in the Washington Post: 
“NATO spokesman Jamie Shea expressed regret over civilian losses from the bomb attack 
that hit a convoy in southeastern Kosovo.”

“Regret”? The photo doesn't appear to show a man expressing regret. Shea looks rather 
pleased, as though the value of his ten thousand shares of XYZ.com had increased by 5 
percent or a rival had disgraced himself. In gene
ral, NATO's public representative seems to take immoderate pleasure in describing 
scenes of violence and death.

Does Shea's prominence as NATO's spokesman say anything about the war and those social 
layers supporting it?

Each day the most powerful armed forces in the world are bombarding a defenseless 
smaller nation. Thousands of bombs and missiles are laying waste to industry, power 
facilities and transportation. Civilians die and the en
tire region is plunged into abject misery. In other words, the great powers are once 
more pursuing their predatory aims. And this barbarism is carried out in the name of 
“human rights” and “democracy.” We are witnessing,
more than witnessing, a new round of “murderous humanitarianism.”

Upon whom will it fall to represent this festival of violence and hypocrisy in the 
public arena? Let us try to imagine the social and psychological type. First of all, 
he would have to be devoid of principles, a willing a
nd eager tool of authority. A product of a reactionary time; let's say, a social 
climber. Someone who decided to throw his lot in with the establishment years ago and 
has had no qualms about it since.

Once having taken the side of authority, he discovered there was something 
intoxicating about it. He enjoyed the sight of weaponry. In the presence of generals 
and admirals his personality blossomed. He felt powerful asso
ciated with power, less like an accountant or a dental assistant. Had there been 
slights at some point in the past? He might take definite delight in inflicting pain, 
and even find that difficult to hide in public. A perp
etual smirk, for example, might give him away.

Shea seems the embodiment of the NATO operation, its fitting public face. He announces 
with relish the day's toll of destruction; he denies indignantly that the most recent 
bombs have struck civilian targets ... until the
 next day, when he admits that they have; he then “regrets” the latest deaths, which, 
however, are understandable and unavoidable considering the nature of the conflict, 
and so forth.

Who is Shea? I assumed that he was some sort of low-level public relations man. Not 
so. He is a Senior Official on NATO's International Staff and considered something of 
an “academic heavyweight” in those circles. He was
born in south London in 1953 of humble origins, attended Sussex University, where he 
earned a First in History and French, and Oxford, where he collected a doctorate. The 
title of his thesis? “ European Intellectuals and
the Great War 1914-1918.”

Having gone to work at NATO in 1980, by November 1988 Shea had risen to the post of 
Assistant to the Secretary General for Special Projects. The position involved 
speechwriting, the ghostwriting of articles, press release
s and official communiqués. He became “Deputy Head and Senior Planning Officer, Policy 
Planning Unit and Multilateral Affairs Section of the Political Directorate” in 1991. 
He was named Spokesman of NATO and Deputy Direct
or of Information and Press in July 1993, the jobs he currently holds.

Shea has served under three NATO secretaries-general. According to CNN, “He was at the 
late Manfred Woerner's side when the NATO secretary-general gave the go-ahead for air 
strikes in Bosnia.” He was also spokesman for Wi
lly Claes, the Belgian social-democrat and NATO secretary-general, who had to resign 
after being implicated in a corruption scandal.

Specializing in security matters and international politics, Shea has a career as well 
as an academic. He has taught at the Université Libre de Bruxelles [Free University of 
Brussels] and lectured to French military offic
ers on international relations and NATO affairs at the University of Lille. He is an 
Associate Professor of International Relations, American University, Washington, DC; 
he has served as the director of its Brussels Overs
eas Study Program. He has been an Adjunct Associate Professor at Michigan State 
University's James Madison College for a decade and directed its Summer School in 
Brussels. He is co-authoring a forthcoming book, NATO in th
e 1990s, with Professor Michael Schechter of MSU.

In reply to my communication, James Madison College's acting dean Dr. Norman Graham 
informed me that since 1989 Shea “has taught a course in our ‘International Relations 
in Brussels' summer program on ‘European Security C
hallenges.' He is a very popular and engaging instructor, particularly given his 
strong academic background in European history and his direct observation of the 
evolution of post-Cold War security challenges and the resp
onse of European and Atlantic institutions.”

In wedding a career in the academic world to one in the military/intelligence 
establishment Shea has only taken a not uncommon path a step or two farther. To 
paraphrase Trotsky, not every university lecturer is a Jamie Sh
ea, but there is a little Jamie Shea in a great many university lecturers: the 
deference to power, the fascination with the military, the vicarious thrill derived 
from war and violence.

Such individuals are in particularly abundant supply at this moment in history. In his 
glibness and lightmindedness, in his dishonesty and effortless dissembling, Shea is a 
genuine representative, along with Clinton and B
lair, of the generation and social layer that form a significant percentage of the 
political elite in the NATO countries.

Shea's relatively distinguished academic career also suggests something about the 
current level of so-called intellectual life. Despite his credentials, he reveals 
himself a banal and, in the profound sense, ignorant indi
vidual at every turn. (Under Scholarly works, his NATO biography lists: NATO and 
Public Opinion, 1987, 1988 and 1989 Surveys.) With Shea two distinct tones alternate, 
one sadistic and bullying, the other hypocritical and
sanctimonious, sometimes within a single public appearance.

For example, in an interview with Australian television in early April, Shea first 
took pleasure in the bombing: “We are now operating 24 hours a day and we hope, of 
course, that we can put a stop to this in a few days. B
ut if it has to go on for several more weeks, then we're perfectly happy to do that 
... ”

Later in the same interview he declared piously: “We are not going to use the same 
methods as Milosevic. We could use far more severe methods than we're using at the 
moment. But we have said all along that our quarrel is
not with the people of Yugoslavia. In fact, they have suffered also severely from the 
misrule of Milosevic over the past decade. Our quarrel is simply with the government 
there and naturally we want to avoid civilian casu
alties and that's why our targeting has been very selective indeed, trying to avoid to 
the extent we can, any harm or damage to civilian lives and property. So yes, we are 
exercising restraint, because we are democracies
and because we believe in a certain civilised code of conduct.” All this with a 
straight face.

The bullying emerges again. At a press conference April 17, Shea told reporters that 
NATO had “had another successful day over Kosovo.... These are the kinds of losses 
that clearly are going to knock the stuffing out of t
he Yugoslav forces inside Kosovo ... ”

In the same press conference Shea chose to play Tartuffe, the hypocrite: “Public 
opinion obviously is uneasy whenever there is an incidence in which NATO is 
responsible for harm to civilians. Let's face it, we are the peo
ple in this operation who are there to save lives, to help, that's why we got involved 
in the first place, that's where there's been this enormous mobilisation not for 
strategic purposes, not for sort of classical interes
ts but for humanitarian purposes. This is perhaps one of the very few genuine 
humanitarian conflicts in modern times so of course it's embarrassing for us if harm 
is inflicted on civilians.”

Sometimes at NATO briefings he goes too far even for the congealed servility that 
passes itself off as a press corps. Katherine Butler in the April 10 edition of the 
Independent reports about one such occasion: “Spontaneo
us laughter rippled through the room as journalists listened to Nato's daily press 
briefing. They had just heard Jamie Shea, the Nato spokesman, say that the bombing of 
Yugoslavia brought nothing but relief to Kosovo's op
pressed Albanians. One woman, he told them, on hearing Nato jet engines overhead, said 
she thought it was ‘the sound of angels.'

“Mr. Shea stopped in his tracks at the titters: ‘Yes, that's right,' he said, ‘The 
sound of angels.' Reading everyone's mind, Shea added: ‘I could never have put it so 
eloquently.'”

Are we at the WSWS the only ones who find Shea particularly odious?





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The 'official' words and picutres can be found at:

http://www.nato.int/cv/is/spokesmn/shea-e.htm

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