The Week Online with DRCNet, Issue #92 - May 28, 1999
   A Publication of the Drug Reform Coordination Network

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Thanks, and Another Special Offer Through June 30
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/092.html#thanks

2. Medical Marijuana Activist Convicted in Federal Court:
   Jury Not Allowed to Hear Evidence of Medicinal Use
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/092.html#smith

3. Four Guards Charged in Beating Death of Nassau County
   Inmate
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/092.html#inmate

4. Senate Juvenile Justice Bill Passes in Wake of Colorado
   School Shooting, Would Dramatically Increase Surveillance
   and Drug Testing
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/092.html#juveniles

5. New York Assembly Speaker Says No to Rockefeller Drug Law
   Reform...Or Does He?
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/092.html#nyspeaker

6. Policy Change May Allow for Non-Government Funded Medical
   Marijuana Research
   http://www.drcnet.org/wol/092.html#medmjresearch

================

1. Thanks, and Another Special Offer Through June 30

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================

2. Medical Marijuana Activist Convicted in Federal Court:
   Jury Not Allowed to Hear Evidence of Medicinal Use

Operating out of a playbook that is fast becoming their
strategy of choice, federal prosecutors have once again run
an end-around, disregarding the will of California's voters
and elected officials by charging and prosecuting B.E.
Smith, a medical marijuana user and activist, in federal
court.  Smith, who was growing marijuana with the explicit
knowledge of the local sheriff's office, was not allowed to
present any evidence of the medicinal nature of his use, and
now faces up to 10 years in federal prison for
"manufacturing" marijuana.

Smith, who did two tours of duty in Vietnam, uses marijuana
to combat the effects of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, a
condition that had previously driven him to alcohol abuse.
Since beginning to use marijuana, Smith has ceased using
alcohol entirely.

Smith is one of a growing list of medical marijuana
activists targeted by the federal government since medicinal
use was legalized (under state law) by California voters in
1996.  Steve Kubby, former Libertarian candidate for
governor, Peter McWilliams, a best selling author, Todd
McCormick and the proprietors of various buyers' clubs
throughout the state are all facing federal charges as well.

Barred by District Court Judge Garland E. Burrell Jr. from
presenting any evidence regarding his medical condition or
his use of marijuana to treat himself, Mr. Smith's defense
was limited entirely to character witnesses.  One of these
was actor/activist Woody Harrelson.  Harrelson drew the ire
of Judge Burrell when he mentioned Smith's medicinal use on
the stand, in response to a question as to whether he was
surprised to see Mr. Smith standing trial.  Prosecutors'
objection to the question was sustained, but Harrelson
responded anyway, saying, "Certainly, for a medical
marijuana case, I consider it odd."

In response to Harrelson's remark, the judge warned him to
obey the rulings from the bench.  Harrelson replied, "I'm
just wondering why you're keeping the truth from the jury."
At that point, Judge Garland immediately sent the jury from
the courtroom, after which he lectured Harrelson on a
judge's legal right to control the proceedings.  "I didn't
think you had much respect for the law" retorted Harrelson.

At that point, Judge Garland refused to allow further direct
testimony by Harrelson, and excused him from the stand.
"How do you sleep at night?," Harrelson asked the judge, as
he stepped down.

Todd McCormick, who is also facing federal charges, and for
whom Harrelson has posted $500,000 bond, told The Week
Online that Smith's case fits a pattern of strong-arm
tactics by the federal government in dealing with medical
marijuana activists in California.

"B.E. Smith had permission from his local sheriff's office
to grow marijuana.  He wasn't being covert.  The federal
government, having lost and lost badly at the polls, has
decided to put its boot on the throats of medical marijuana
activists.  How can a judge rule that Smith's reasons for
growing the marijuana are irrelevant for a jury to hear?"

McCormick continued, "The federal government is engaged in a
campaign of intimidation, not only of activists but of every
Californian who uses marijuana medicinally, their doctors
and caregivers.  They have systematically and blatantly
ignored the will of California voters.  And where is Bill
Lockyer, our new Attorney General?  When he was elected, he
made it clear that he intended to protect California's sick
and dying against the tyranny of the federal government, but
as soon as the feds threatened to arrest him, he tiptoed
away from the issue with his tail between his legs.  In so
doing, he essentially gave the feds the green light to step
up their prosecutions.  So much for integrity."

Nathan Barankin, spokesman for Attorney General Lockyer,
told The Week Online that their office is attempting to
resolve the conflict with federal authorities in a way that
will be most effective.

"If the Attorney General of a state is going to take on the
federal government in an area where there is a conflict
between state and federal law, he's going to lose every
time, hands down," he said.  "What we have in California,
frankly, is a poorly-written initiative that gives no
direction to how the law is supposed to work, and a lot of
people running around making it up as they go along.  As
long as the federal government is set on enforcing federal
law, there's nothing that anyone can do about it."

"John Lockyer, as the Attorney General of California," he
continued, "took an oath to uphold the law.  He has been in
contact with the Attorney General (Reno) and the Drug Czar,
and they are aware of the problem that we're facing here.
The response that the Attorney General has received from
those offices would have to be characterized as very
positive.  We believe that a strategy of taking on the feds
at every turn on this issue would be extremely
counterproductive and could set the process back by years."

Smith's attorneys plan to appeal his conviction.

================

3. Four Guards Charged in Beating Death of Nassau County
   Inmate

Thomas Prizzuto, a methadone patient, was serving the second
day of a 90-day sentence when he was allegedly beaten to
death by guards at the Nassau County (NY) jail after asking
repeatedly for methadone.  Four corrections officers have
been charged in the attack.  All have pleaded not guilty.

Methadone patients who are abruptly cut off from the
medication suffer serious withdrawal symptoms, including
vomiting, cramps, sweating and diarrhea.  Prizzuto
apparently refused to stop calling out to guards for
methadone, which led to his beating.  Left in his cell over
the weekend, Prizzuto suffered a seizure and died of a
ruptured spleen.

Guards Ivano Bavaro, Edward Velazquez and Patrick Regnier
were charged with the beating, while a fourth guard, Joseph
Bergen, was charged as an accessory after the fact for
allegedly falsifying a prison record to indicate that
Prizzuto's injuries were sustained in a fall in the shower
room.  Another prisoner, however, who was in the cell next
to Prizzuto's, will testify that he heard him being beaten
on the date in question.

Ernest Peace, attorney for Regnier, told The Week Online
that there is little evidence that the guards beat Mr.
Prizzuto.

"The guy was taken to two different doctors between January
8th and January 11th when he died.  Neither doctor found
anything wrong, and he was sent back to his cell.  Prizzuto
himself claimed he fell.  Maybe he was beaten up by another
inmate.  My client spent four years in the Navy, he's been a
guard for six, and he's never had a complaint against him."

But Peter Neufeld, who, along with Barry Scheck and Johnny
Cochran is representing the Prizzuto family in their civil
suit, disputes Mr. Peace's assertions.

"This investigation has lasted four months, and involved
forty federal agents.  You don't just get an indictment of
prison guards without evidence.  It is our understanding
that two other guards have come forward and are cooperating.
As to what doctors saw Mr. Prizzuto, our information is that
the only time he was taken to a hospital was after he went
into seizures.  He died in the hospital two days later
(January 13th).

"We are hoping to force the Justice Department to undertake
an investigation into the long history of abuse of inmates
and the practice of refusing to provide adequate medical
care at the Nassau County Jail."

Joycelyn Woods, director of the National Alliance of
Methadone Advocates, told The Week Online that while there
are still very few methadone maintenance programs currently
operating in a US jail (there is one at Rikers Island in New
York and one at the Suffolk County Jail), many correctional
systems will at least detoxify inmates (give them
diminishing doses of the drug for a short period of time),
rather than force them into severe withdrawal.

"It's inhumane, to say the least.  People who are using
methadone are, by definition, in recovery.  They get their
methadone from licensed programs, there's nothing illicit
about it.  But it happens all the time (denying methadone to
people at the Nassau County Jail), and the only reason that
this case has gotten attention is that they beat him to
death and because his wife, who's a methadone patient
herself, was brave enough to seek justice."

"Many of the people who are in jails in this country are
simply awaiting trial, and haven't been accused of anything.
Is it moral to deny these people a medication that they're
taking under a doctor's supervision, leaving them in pain?"

Donna Schoen, patient advocate for the Long Island Jewish
Medical Center's methadone program, who wrote an article in
1995 detailing problems at the Nassau County Jail, told The
Week Online that the problems are endemic.

"In 1995 I heard about a methadone patient, who also had
AIDS, who was left suffering for over a week, twisting on
the floor, having seizures, vomiting.  It wasn't until
pressure was brought by a state agency that he was
medicated.  Once I started asking around, people came out of
the woodwork telling their stories.  In June of 1998, I sent
a letter to Thomas Gulotta (Nassau County Commissioner),
including the article and a list of other people I had heard
from.  I told Mr. Gulotta that until there was a methadone
program in place in the county jail, these problems were not
going to go away.  He wrote me back and told me that he had
sent my letter on to Joseph Jablonsky (Nassau County
Sheriff), and that I would be hearing from him.  Well, it
took him nine months, and the death of this poor kid, before
I heard back."

Schoen said that she is hoping that Prizzuto's death will
not have been in vain.

"People go in to the county jail and get sick.  They're
chained to beds for days on end, or beaten, or left to
suffer.  What's needed is a program to provide methadone and
a doctor there that understands the medical problems of the
people who are there.  Until that happens, more people will
suffer and die there."

================

4. Senate Juvenile Justice Bill Passes in Wake of Colorado
   School Shooting, Would Dramatically Increase Surveillance
   and Drug Testing

Scott Ehlers, Senior Policy Analyst, Drug Policy Foundation,
[EMAIL PROTECTED], http://www.dpf.org

On May 20th, exactly one month after the Colorado school
shootings, the Senate passed S. 254, the "Violent and
Juvenile Offender Act."  Approved by a vote of 73 to 25, the
massive bill not only seeks to increase penalties for
violent and juvenile offenders, but also promises to expand
suspicionless searches, drug testing, and the use of
surveillance technologies in America's schools.

The drug testing and locker-search provisions contained in
the bill are the brainchild of Sen. Spencer Abraham (R-MI),
one of Congress' top cheerleaders for the war on drugs.  His
"School Violence Prevention Act" (Sec. 1611) opens up funds
under the Safe and Drug Free Schools grant program to be
used for "testing a student for illegal drug use or
inspecting a student's locker for guns, explosives, other
weapons, or illegal drugs...."  Sen. Abraham was courteous
enough to require the searches and drug testing to be
consistent with the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution,
and also mentions parental consent, but does not require it.

Additionally, S. 254 includes a provision (Sec. 1656) to
establish in New Mexico the School Security Technology
Center at the Sandia National Laboratories, in partnership
with the National Law Enforcement and Corrections Technology
Center.  The center would be a joint venture between the
Justice Department, Department of Education and the
Department of Energy, with the Attorney General in charge of
administration.  Although initially proposed in S. 638 by
Sen. Bingaman (D-NM), appropriations for the center were
incorporated into the Violent and Juvenile Offender Act.

If the center is kept in the legislation, America's schools
promise to be on the cutting edge of surveillance and drug
detection technology.  According to the May 6th issue of the
Drug Detection Report, Sandia Laboratories has developed
instruments known as "surface acoustic wave devices or
integrated acoustic chemical sensors" that can detect
illicit drugs on the skin.  The sensor system can reportedly
detect trace levels of airborne drugs as well.  The center,
proposed to receive $11.4 million over three years, will
also promote onsite testing of students' hair, according to
the Report.

S. 254 would appropriate $30 million over the next three
years for grants to local schools for security assessments
and technical assistance for "the development of a
comprehensive school security plan from the School Security
Technology Center."

A House version of S. 254 has not been introduced yet, but
stay tuned to the Week Online for news on any movement of
the bill.

The text and status of all federal legislation can be found
online at <http://thomas.loc.gov/>.

================

5. New York Assembly Speaker Says No to Rockefeller Drug Law
   Reform...Or Does He?

For years, Democratic lawmakers in New York State have
sought the repeal of the notorious Rockefeller Drug Laws,
some of the harshest mandatory minimum laws in the US.
Recently, bipartisan support for reform has grown,
culminating this month in a proposal by Republican Governor
George Pataki calling for modest reductions in the laws.
But late last week, the New York Times reported that the
Democratic leadership in the Assembly would not consider any
proposals to scale back the Rockefeller Drug Laws in the
current session.  Citing concerns about appearing soft on
crime, an aide to Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver said there
were "no plans by the Assembly leadership to address the
governor's proposal."

Reform advocates were shocked at the news.  "Most of the
people I've spoken to have people who are incarcerated, and
their hearts just sank when they heard the news," said Terri
Derikart, director of the New York chapter of Families
Against Mandatory Minimums.  "They felt like they had been
betrayed by their elected officials."

Assemblyman Silver's office did not return repeated phone
calls requesting comment on the story, but an article in the
Albany Times Union today suggests that the Speaker may have
softened his stance somewhat after fellow Democrats
expressed their dismay.  On Thursday (5/27) the Times Union
reported that Silver told a closed-door Democratic
conference that he opposed only Governor Pataki's plan,
though he did not say what other proposals, if any, he does
support.

While reform advocates consider the governor's plan a
positive step toward reforming the laws -- Pataki is the
first governor to formally propose a change in the laws
since they were enacted under Governeor Nelson D.
Rockefeller in 1973 -- most have criticized it as not going
far enough.  Currently, even non-violent, first-time
offenders charged with selling two or more ounces or
possessing four or more ounces of a drug face fifteen years
to life in prison.  Pataki's plan would reduce the minimum
sentence by just five years, subject to approval by an
appeals judge, and in return for this concession the
governor wants to severely limit parole for all offenders.

Randy Credico of the William Moses Kunstler Fund, which
organizes protests and vigils in support of Rockefeller Drug
Law repeal, said Pataki's proposal was an acknowledgment of
the strength of the reform movement.  "He's hoping to snuff
out a popular uprising," he told The Week Online.  "He's
trying to cramp the growing grassroots movement, what you'd
call a ground war, which is what is really required to
change these laws."  That movement rejects Pataki's
proposal, which, Credico said, "would take New York from
being the state with the worst drug laws to being the state
with the worst drug laws."

Nevertheless, there is a growing consensus that something
must be done.  Adding to the momentum for repeal are a
number of reports documenting the effects of the laws on the
state's overburdened prison system and their disparate
impact on Black and Latino New Yorkers.  Among the facts:

 * Drug offenders now make up roughly one third of the
state's 70,000 inmates.
 * In 1998, 46% of the nearly 6,000 drug offenders sentenced
to prison in New York were convicted of drug possession, not
sales.
 * At the current level of incarceration, drug offenders in
New York prisons cost taxpayers $715 million dollars per
year.
 * In 1997, 77.5% of drug offenders in New York had no prior
convictions for violent felonies, and 50% had no prior
felony drug convictions.
 * More than 94% of drug offenders in New York prisons are
Black or Latino.
(source: New York Correctional Association fact sheet)

Numbers like these have prompted calls for reform from
diverse quarters, including New York's Chief Judge, Judith
Kaye, who earlier this year proposed a plan similar to
Pataki's.  This spring, Democratic Assemblyman Jeffrion
Aubry introduced a more radical bill that would repeal the
Rockefeller Drug Laws by returning discretion to sentencing
judges, and increase funding for drug treatment programs.
The bill also includes a clause that would allow current
inmates to have their sentences reduced.

There are also several proposals from a range of advocacy
groups that have not yet been introduced in the Assembly,
many more conservative than Aubry's, but still substantial
enough to mitigate the worst excesses of the Rockefeller
laws.  The issue seems "hot," which is why the claim from
Speaker Silver's office that the Democratic leadership is
worried about looking too soft on crime sounded odd to many.

"In New York, I don't see how anybody needs any political
cover beyond the Governor stepping forward and saying
something has to be done, the chief judge of the state
saying something has to be done," said John Dunne, a former
Republican state senator who, along with the bipartisan
Campaign For Effective Criminal Justice, wants the law
changed to double the amount of drugs required to constitute
each level of crime.  "There are plenty of people to share
the blame as well as the glory for any change that might be
made."

The public seems to share that opinion.  In a Zogby
International poll conducted at the end of April, 63% of New
Yorkers surveyed said they would not consider a politician
who voted for reducing mandatory drug sentences "soft on
crime."  And nearly 30% of the respondents said that they
favored giving judges more discretion to decide on
sentencing in individual cases.  An overwhelming majority
(73.8%) said they favor treatment over jail for minor drug
offenders.

If more cover were needed, Silver may be relieved to hear
that even the conservative think tank The Manhattan
Institute also favors Rockefeller reform, and is expected to
publish a report to that effect in early June, penned by the
notoriously prison-friendly John DiIulio.

Given all this, there is still a good deal of hope among
reform advocates that there will be movement on the laws
this year.  Robert Gangi, director of the New York
Correctional Association, a prison watchdog group, told The
Week Online, "It's clear from the polls and from our
political sense, based on newspaper stories and editorial
board comments, that we've won the public debate."  Gangi
said his group will move ahead with plans for a lobbying day
in Albany next month.

Terri Derikart said that FAMM and the other activists she
works with will not take no for an answer.  "They are
already contacting their legislators," she said.  "They want
meaningful drug law reform to be passed this session.  They
don't agree that it's going to be shelved.  They want to
keep everything to keep moving.  So rather than accepting
it, they're raising their voices across the state to say,
'this is wrong, we need these laws reformed now, not just
for our family members, but for those who are about to be
incarcerated.'"

Learn more about the Rockefeller Drug Laws and the movement
to reform them at these web sites:

The Lindesmith Center, http://www.lindesmith.org
New York Correctional Association, http://www.corrassoc.org
The William Moses Kunstler Fund For Racial Justice,
http://www.kunstler.org
Families Against Mandatory Minimums, http://www.famm.org

================

6. Policy Change May Allow for Non-Government Funded Medical
   Marijuana Research

(from the NORML Foundation, http://www.norml.org)

May 25, 1999, Washington, DC:  Department of Health and
Human Services officials announced new regulations Friday
that may allow researchers access to medical marijuana for
non-federally funded research.  The policy change, scheduled
to take effect on December 1, 1999, adopts recommendations
of a 1997 National Institutes of Health (NIH) panel that
urged officials to supply medical marijuana for non-NIH
funded research.

"This is a step in the right direction," NORML Executive
Director R. Keith Stroup, Esq. said.  "But it is also
further evidence that the wheels of change grind exceedingly
slowly for medical marijuana reform."  Health officials said
that the new policy will facilitate medical marijuana
clinical trials.  "The goal of this program must be to
determine whether cannabinoid components of marijuana
administered through an alternative delivery system can meet
the standards enumerated under the federal Food, Drug, and
Cosmetic Act for commercial marketing of a medical product,"
the guidelines state.

Present NIH policy allows only those funded by the agency to
use marijuana for research purposes.  Under the new
guidelines, non-NIH funded researchers must still submit
their protocol to institutional peer review, secure a DEA
registration to conduct marijuana research, reimburse the
National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) for the cost of the
marijuana, and gain NIH approval for their study.
Researchers who wish to conduct human trials must also
proceed through the FDA process for filing an
Investigational New Drug (IND) application.  Stroup
cautioned that the new policy offers little hope for
individual patients wishing to gain legal access to the
government's supply of medical marijuana.  "Despite
recommendations from the Institute of Medicine to allow
single patient medical marijuana trials, the NIH guidelines
rebuff any efforts to allow individual patients access to
the drug," he said.  The regulations stipulate that "single-
patient requests for marijuana... would not... be supported
under this program."

In March, the IOM advised the government to treat medical
marijuana patients with chronic conditions as "n-of-1
clinical trials, in which patients are fully informed of
their status as experimental subjects... and in which their
condition is closely monitored a documented under medical
supervision."  "Federal officials are selectively
implementing those recommendations from the IOM and NIH that
pose little threat to medical marijuana prohibition, while
ignoring any findings that challenge current federal
policy," Stroup concluded.

================

Editorials will return next week.

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