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>From zmag.org/debray.htm


> <Picture>
>
> for the original French:
> http://www.lemonde.fr/actu/international/exyougo/kosovo/articles/99051
> 3/debray.htm Translated by: Chavdar Naidenov
>
>
> A Letter from a Traveler to the President of the Republic
> By R�gis Debray
>
>
> On my return from Macedonia, Serbia and Kosovo, I consider it my duty
> to deliver to you an impression of mine: I fear, Mr. President, that
> we may be going the wrong way. You are a practical person. You do not
> value high at all the intellectuals who fill our columns with
> grandiloquent and peremptory generalizations. That is good; for
> neither do I. So I shall stick to the facts. Everybody has his own
> facts, you will tell me. Those facts that I've been able to observe
> during a short sojourn - a week in Serbia (Belgrade, Novi Sad, Nis,
> Vramje), of which four days in Kosovo (from Pristina to Prej, from
> Pritzren to Podujevo) - do not in my view seem to correspond to the
> words that you use, from afar and in good faith.
>
> Do not think me partial. I had passed the previous week in Macedonia,
> assisted at the arrival of the refugees and listened to their
> testimonies. I was shaken, like many others. I decided at any cost to
> go and see "from the other side" how such a crime was possible.
> Mistrustful of journeys � la Intourist, i.e. of driving around
> journalists on a bus, I demanded from the Serb authorities to have a
> translator of my own, a vehicle of my own and the possibility to go
> and talk to whomever I want. The contract was respected.
>
> Is the interpreter important? Yes. For I have established to my great
> displeasure - but how can one help it? - that in Macedonia and Albania
> one can rely imprudently on local translators, who, most of them being
> sympathizers or fighters of the UCK, lend their views and their
> contact network to the foreigner who has just arrived. The reports of
> harassment are too numerous to doubt the existence of an undeniable
> foundation in reality.
>
> However, certain testimonies that I had received turned out to be
> exaggerated, even inexact, when verification was made on their places
> of origin. Which, of course, does not change the disgraceful scandal
> of this exodus.
>
> What do you keep repeating to us? "We are not waging war on the
> Serbian people, but against a dictator, Milosevic, who, refusing any
> negotiation, has planned, in cold blood, the genocide of the Kosovars.
> We limit ourselves to destroying his apparatus of repression, a
> destruction, which is already quite advanced. And if we continue the
> strikes, notwithstanding the regrettable targeting errors and the
> unintended collateral damage, it is because in Kosovo the Serb forces
> continue their operations of ethnic cleansing."
>
> I have reasons to fear, Mr. President, that each word of the above is
> a fraud.
>
>
>
> 1. "Not war on the people... " Don't you know that in the heart of New
> Belgrade the children theatre Dusan-Radevic is just next to the
> television and that the missile that destroyed the latter also hit the
> former? The bombs have affected three hundred schools throughout the
> country. The schoolchildren don't go to school anymore and are left to
> themselves. In the countryside there are those who gather the yellow
> explosive tubes, similar to toys (model CBU 87). These cluster bombs
> or similar ones were scattered by the Soviets in Afghanistan. The
> destruction of factories has left jobless one hundred thousand workers
> with an income of 230 dinars, that is 91 francs per month. Nearly half
> of the population is unemployed. If you believe to be thus turning it
> against the r�gime, you are mistaken. Notwithstanding the fatigue and
> the neediness, I have not observed a fissure in the sacred union. A
> young woman in Pristina told me: "When four Chinese, representatives
> of a great power, are killed, the world is indignant; but four hundred
> Serbs - you don't count that. Curious, isn't it?"
>
>
>
> Of course, I have not witnessed the carnage, operated by the NATO
> bombers on the buses, the refugee columns, the trains, the hospital in
> Nis, and elsewhere. Nor the raids on the camps of Serb refugees
> (Majino Maselje, April 21, four dead, twenty injured). I am talking
> about the several hundred thousand Serbs whom the Croats deported out
> of Krajna without microphones or cameras.
>
> But let me stick to the places and moments of my sojourn in Kosovo:
> general Jertz, herald of NATO has declared: "We have not attacked any
> convoy and we have never attacked civilians." That is a lie. I saw in
> the hamlet of Lipljan, Thursday, May 6th, a private house pulverized
> by a missile: three little girls and their two grand-parents massacred
> with no military objective within a radius of 3 kilometers. On the
> next day, I saw two other civilian cribs reduced to ashes two hours
> before in the Gypsy quarter of Prizren; there were several victims
> buried.
>
>
>
> 2. "A dictator, Milosevic..." My interlocutors from the opposition,
> the only ones with whom I conversed, have reminded me of the harsh
> realities. Autocrat, fraud, manipulator and populist, Mr. Milosevic
> has nevertheless been elected three times: dictators have themselves
> elected once, not twice. He respects the Yugoslav constitution. There
> is no single ruling party. His is a minority in the Parliament. There
> are no political prisoners, there are changing coalitions. He is
> somewhat absent in the landscape of everyday life. One can openly
> criticize him on the terraces of the caf�s and one does not abstain
> from doing it, but nobody cares about it at all. There is no "
> totalitarian " charisma in the spirits. The West seems to be a hundred
> times more possessed by Mr. Milosevic than his compatriots are.
>
>
>
> To talk about Munich as regards him means to reverse the relation
> between the strong and the feeble and to assume that an isolated and
> poor country with a population of ten million persons, who doesn't
> dream of anything beyond the borders of old Yugoslavia, can be
> compared to Hitler's conquering and super-armed Germany. When one
> veils one's face too much, one becomes blind.
>
>
>
> 3. " The genocide of the Kosovars... " A terrible chapter. I have met
> only two accessible Western eyewitnesses. One of them, Alexander
> Mitic, (of Serb origin, to be fair) is a correspondent of France-Press
> in Pristina. The other one, Paul Watson, an English-speaking Canadian,
> is the Central-European correspondent for Los Angeles Times. He has
> covered Afghanistan, Somalia, Cambodia, the Gulf War and Rwanda: this
> is not a novice. More of an anti-Serb, he has been following the civil
> war in Kosovo for two years and knows every village and every road
> there. The chap is a hero and therefore modest. When all the foreign
> journalists were expulsed from Pristina in the first days of the
> bombardment, he went into hiding in order to stay anonymously. Yet, he
> never stopped going about and observing.
>
>
>
> His testimony is balanced and, when compared to that of others,
> convincing. The worst harassments were committed during the first
> three days (March 24th, 25th and 26th), under the deluge of bombs,
> with arson, pillages and murders. Then several thousands of Albanians
> were ordered to leave. He assured me that, since then, he has not
> encountered any evidence of a crime against humanity. Undoubtedly,
> these two scrupulous observers have not seen everything. And I have
> seen still less. I can testify only to Albanian peasants returning to
> Podujevo, Serb soldiers standing on guard before Albanian bakeries -
> ten of these have been re-opened in Pristina; and people injured by
> the bombardments, Albanians and Serbs lying side by side, in the
> Pristina hospital (two hundred beds).
>
> So what has happened, then? In their opinion, the sudden superposition
> of an international air war on a local civil war, the latter of
> extreme cruelty. Let me remind you that in 1998 1700 Albanian
> fighters, 180 policemen and 120 Serb soldiers have been killed. The
> UCK has kidnapped 380 persons and released 103 of them, the rest being
> dead or disappeared, sometimes after torture - among them 2
> journalists and 14 workmen. The UCK claimed to have 6000 clandestine
> activists in Pristina and I was told that snipers came into action
> when the first bombs began to fall. The Serbs, judging that they could
> not fight on two fronts, have then decided to evacuate manu militari
>
> " NATO's fifth column ", its "ground troops ", i.e. the UCK, and, in
> particular, in the villages where it was mixed with and had its base
> in the civilian population.
>
> Localized but certain, these evacuations, called down there "� l'
> Israelite", and which, as a veteran of Algeria, you certainly
> remember, - one million civilians were displaced and confined by us in
> barbed wire camps, in order to "filter the poison from the water", -
> have left traces under the open sky, here and there: burned houses,
> deserted villages. These military offensives had been causing
> civilians to flee - most of them being from the families of fighters,
> I was told - before the bombardments. They were, according to the
> correspondent of France-Press, of a very limited number. "The people
> found refuge in other nearby houses", he established. "No one was
> starving to death, no one was killed on the roads, no one fled to
> Albania and Macedonia. It was NATO's attack that pretty well started,
> like a rolling snowball, the humanitarian catastrophe. Actually there
> had been no need for camps to meet the refugees at the borders, till
> then". During the first days, everybody agrees on that, repressions by
> the so-called "uncontrolled " elements were unleashed, probably with
> the complicity of the local police.
>
> Mr. Vuk Draskovic, vice-prime minister who has now resigned, and
> others told me that, since then, they had arrested and accused in
> Kosovo three hundred people, charged of harassment. Camouflage? Alibi?
> Bad conscience? Maybe. Afterwards, the exodus continued, but at a much
> smaller scale. By instructions from the UCK, which wants to regain
> "its people", for fear of passing for "collaborators", out of fear of
> the bombardments (which don't distinguish, at 6 000 meters, between
> Serbs, Albanians and others), in order to rejoin the cousins who have
> already left, because the cattle is dead, because America is going to
> win, because this is the occasion to emigrate in Switzerland, in
> Germany or elsewhere... These are explanations heard right there, at
> the place. I am not telling you to have caution; I am just mentioning
> what I heard.
>
> Maybe I've been listening to the "people on the other side" too much?
> The opposite would be racism. Defining a priori a people - Jewish,
> German or Serb - as collectively criminal is unworthy of a democrat.
> After all, during the occupation, there were Albanian, Muslim and
> Croatian SS divisions - but never a Serb one. Has this philosemite and
> resistant people - more than ten nationalities co-exist in Serbia
> itself - become Nazi with a fifty year delay? A number of Kosovar
> refugees have told me they had escaped the repression thanks to Serb
> neighbors or friends.
>
>
>
> 4. "The advanced destruction of the Serbian forces..." Alas; the
> latter seem to feel fine. A young sergeant, serving in Kosovo, whom we
> took for a hitchhike on the Nis-Belrade motorway, asked me for what
> strategical reason NATO comes down on civilians so fiercely. "When we
> go to the city, where there's no more electricity, we have to drink
> warm Coke. It's a nuisance, but it's something you can live with." I
> suppose the army units have their own electricity supply.
>
>
>
> In Kosovo, you have broken bridges that one can skirt by a ford, if
> one does not go over, between the holes. You have damaged an airport
> with no importance, destroyed empty barracks, enflamed military trucks
> out of use, helicopter models and wooden pieces of artillery, placed
> in the middle of the fields. Excellent for the video-images and the
> chamber briefings, but afterwards?
>
> Remember that the Yugoslav defense, formed by Tito and his guerillas,
> has nothing to do with a regular army: it is dispersed and
> omnipresent, with its underground bunkers, prepared long ago in
> advance for the conventional menaces - once, the Soviet one. They even
> move the cannons with cattle to avoid being detected by heat.
>
> It's not a secret that in Kosovo there are 150 000 armed men, from
> twenty to seventy years of age - there is no age limit for the
> reservists - of which only 40 000 to 50 000 for general Pavkovic's
> IIIrd army. The relay walkie-talkies seem to be in good condition and
> it is the Yugoslavs themselves who mix up the telephone lines - the
> UCK used portables to inform the US bombers.
>
> As regards the demoralization you hope for, do not believe anything
> you hear about it. In Kosovo, they are waiting for our troops on firm
> foot and, I fear, not without a certain degree of impatience. As a
> reservist from Pristina, who was going to buy his bread, his AK on his
> shoulder, told me: "Speed up with the ground intervention! In a real
> war, there are at least dead on both sides." The wargame of the NATO
> planners develops 5000 meters above reality. I implore you: do not
> send our sensitive and intelligent Saint-Cyriens on a terrain they
> know nothing of. Their cause may be just, but for them this will never
> be a defensive war and even less, a sacred war, as it will be, with or
> without merits, for the Serb volunteers of Kosovo and Metohia.
>
>
>
> 5. "They continue the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo..." I was indignant
> at the number plates and the identity papers of the leaving refugees,
> piled up at the checkpoints on the Albanian border. This was done out
> of fear that the "terrorists" could infiltrate again by using them to
> camouflage cars and papers, I was told. Much may have escaped my
> modest observations, but the German defense minister lied on May 6,
> when he said that "between 600 000 and 900 000 displaced persons have
> been localized on the territory of Kosovo". On a territory of 10 000
> square kilometers, this couldn't have passed unnoticed for an
> observer, moving in one day from east to west and from north to south.
> In Pristina, where tens of thousands of Kosovars still live, one can
> have a meal in Albanian pizzerias in the company of Albanians.
>
>
>
> Couldn't our ministers contact down there some cool-headed witnesses -
> Greek doctors from M�decins sans fronti�res, ecclesiastics, priests? I
> am thinking about Father Stephan, the Prizren prior, singularly well
> balanced. For the civil war is not a religious war: the innumerable
> mosques are intact - except two, according to what was reported to me.
>
> One can buy the foreign policy of a country - which is what the United
> States are doing with the countries of the region - but not its dreams
> and its memory. If you were to see the glances, full of hatred that
> the Macedonian border guards and policemen cast on the transport
> convoys that go up every night from Salonika to Skopje, and on their
> arrogant escorts, oblivious of what surrounds them, you would readily
> understand that it is easier to enter this "theatre" than to get out
> of it. Will you, following the example of the Italian president, have
> the courage or the intelligence to renounce these irreal postulates
> and begin to search, with Ibrahim Rugova and, as his own words go, "a
> political solution on realistic bases"?
>
> In that case, a certain number of realities will be imposed upon your
> attention. First: no way out without a modus vivendi between Serbs and
> Albanians, as Mr. Rugova demands for it, because there are not one but
> two, and even several communities in Kosovo. Without entering the
> battle of numbers, due to the absence of trustworthy statistics, I
> believe to have understood that there are a million and more
> Albanians, two hundred fifty thousand Serbs and two hundred fifty
> thousands persons, belonging to other ethnic minorities - islamized
> Serbs, Turks, gorans or mountaineers, romanis, " Egyptians " or
> Albanian-speaking Gypsies - who fear the domination of a Greater
> Albania and have taken the side of the Serbs. Second: no way out
> without preventing the rebirth of a fierce interior war, an episode of
> a century-old cycle, the Act 1 without which today's Act 2 is
> incomprehensible, but which on its own came after an exterior
> oppression.
>
> Present day politicians always follow some analogy with the past. On
> top of that, they always find the worst ones possible. You have chosen
> the Hitlerite analogy, with the Kosovars as persecuted Jews. Allow me
> to suggest another one: Algeria. Mr. Milosevic is certainly not de
> Gaulle. However, the civilian authorities have to deal with a military
> who are fed up with losing and wants to put an end to it. Moreover,
> this regular army itself coexists with local partisans who could one
> day very well come to resemble OAS.
>
> And what if the problem is not in Belgrade, but in the streets, the
> caf�s, the groceries of Kosovo? These people there and it is a fact,
> do not look reassuring at all. Once or twice, they seriously clutched
> at me. And, speaking frankly, I must say it was Serb officers who
> arrived to my rescue each time and saved my suit.
>
> You remember de Gaulle's definition of NATO: "An organization, imposed
> upon the Atlantic Alliance, which amounts to nothing else that the
> military and political subordination of West Europe to the United
> States of America". The day will come when you will explain to us what
> made you change this definition. In the meantime, I must admit I felt
> a little ashamed when, in Belgrade, having been asked why his
> president readily receives an American and not a Frenchman, a Serbian
> member of the democratic opposition answered: "At any rate, it's
> better to talk to the master rather than to his servants."
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> R�gis Debray
> Le Monde, May 13, 1999



> "As soon as sufficient forces are available and the weather allows,
> the ground installations of the Yugoslav Air Force and the City of
> Belgrade will be destroyed from the air by continual day and night
> bombardment. When that is completed we will subdue Yugoslavia."
>
> --Adolf Hitler


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