The Scoop - http://www.bobharris.com/

To new subscribers: thanks for joining up.  Yes, the column really is
free, and you're encouraged to forward it to friends.  That's how our
readership grows.

bh



THE SCOOP for June 6, 1999
___________________________

The Chernomyrdin Plan For Kosovo:
In Peace, Too, Truth Is The First Casualty
� 1999 Bob Harris
http://www.bobharris.com
mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]

* * = italics


For once, there's good news on Kosovo: the Serbian parliament has agreed
to Kosovar autonomy, an end to military actions, and a military occupation
force under UN command and flanked by a Russian military presence.

The *Washington Post*, the *New York Times*, and most other newspapers
have hailed the agreement as a victory.

And now, the bad news: the Serbian parliament was ready to agree to
markedly similar terms before the war began.  In reality, NATO, which has
always claimed its position is non-negotiable, has apparently made several
major, if little-acknowledged, concessions, elaborated below.

As reported in this space for weeks, the primary disagreement between NATO
and Yugoslavia has always been over the composition and powers of the
force to occupy Kosovo.

Madeleine Albright has insisted repeatedly that only a NATO force would be
satisfactory; the point was utterly non-negotiable.  Belgrade has
insisted, just as stubbornly, that the force must be under UN or
neutral-country command.

Make no mistake: this is the sticking point that started and nourished
this war: not the welfare of Kosovo or its people, but who is to
administer the peace.

(This just in: shortly before press time -- 11 pm PDT Sunday June 6th --
peace talks have reportedly broken off again.  The deal-breaker?  "A
source at the talks told Reuters... the Serbian side objected to the
presence of NATO troops in Kosovo."  Again, we see the primary sticking
point.  And so again, the bombing campaign escalates, as if it might
punish Milosevic.)


A DIGRESSION ON THE EFFICIENCY OF AERIAL BOMBING

It's common to denounce opponents of the NATO airstrikes as modern-day
Neville Chamberlains, eager to appease this Serbian Hitler.  However, if
World War II is to teach us any useful lessons, a far more apt analogy
exists.

At the outset of World War II, the British RAF originally tried to aim for
strategic economic targets.  However, this required flying in daylight,
which made it easy for the Germans to shoot down the planes.

And so the British began flying at night.  But radar wasn't available, and
any real targeting was all but impossible.  So RAF commander Arthur
"Bomber" Harris figured, basically, what the hell -- declaring that the
main target was the "morale" of the Germans.  The bombs would fall, well,
wherever they fell.  The idea was: bomb enough civilian targets, and
eventually the people will rise up and overthrow Berlin.

(Sound vaguely familiar?)

Such an uprising obviously never happened.  Nor did anything like it ever
come close to happening.  

Instead, 300,000 civilians were killed.  One-fifth of all German homes
were destroyed as the Germans were, in Harris' immortal phrase,
"de-housed" by the bombings.

Did "morale bombing" work?  Nope.  After the war, U.S. government studies
found that the campaign had no appreciable affect on the German military
effort, and if anything, hardened German resolve.

The ground campaign in Germany, on the other hand, was the success that
won the war.

NATO is fighting specifically to avoid a ground campaign.  And they're
surprised that the war has lasted about five times longer than their early
estimates.  

If the air campaign has moved Milosevic at all, it's reportedly due not to
the destruction of any civilian infrastructure or the plight of his people
-- I mean, come on, this is Slobo we're talking about here; he's not real
big on empathy, exactly -- but because of a relative handful of bombings
which have destroyed much of the private holdings of Milosevic and his
coterie of wealthy supporters.

This makes sense: Serbian civilians living in Novi Sad have even less
influence over Milosevic than the people of, say, Milwaukee have over
Clinton.  Destroying a brewery or I-94 wouldn't do much to sway
Washington; blowing up Camp David or Robert Rubin's old office at Goldman
Sachs would much sooner get Clinton's attention.

The lesson for NATO, should it in future wage a war via similar tactics,
seems to be the same one taught to a child the first time he picks up a
water pistol: before you pull the trigger, perhaps it's worth a moment of
your time to aim.


RETURN TO THE NEGOTIATIONS
The current proposal, negotiated by Russian envoy Viktor Chernomyrdin, is
for a UN force (including NATO troops in a fashion not yet fully
elaborated) accompanied by a Russian contingent (on terms yet to be
finalized) guaranteeing Kosovar autonomy within Yugoslavia.  Belgrade's
armies go home, and so do the refugees.

This is widely reported as a great breakthrough, vindication of the
bombing campaign.  It isn't.

Less widely reported is that the agreement, whose text is as yet
unavailable and must be gleaned from various statements of the
negotiators, contains four major NATO concessions:

1) NATO troops are to be placed under at least nominal UN command,
2) NATO troops are to be kept out of Serbia itself,
3) the KLA will be disarmed, and
4) a referendum on Kosovo independence, which was to be held in 2002, has
been abandoned.

So after over ten weeks of bombing, the current deal as reported is, in
many details, essentially the same deal NATO could have agreed to in late
February, a month before the bombings began.

In short, as a ground war becomes more clearly politically and militarily
unfeasible, NATO has agreed to many of Belgrade's terms and now proclaims,
without a hint of irony, that Milosevic has surrendered.  The media,
evidently unable to compare the accord with their own back issues from
mere weeks ago, dutifully parrots the NATO claim.

And so, in the potential return of a refugee exodus which largely did not
yet exist prior, to a state which barely remains, on terms negotiable
before the first bomb fell, agreed to by an enemy whose opposition no
longer exists, NATO is ready to proclaim victory.

This is Orwellian activity of the highest order.

___________________________

To recap how we got here:

The talks at Rambouillet lasted from February 6th through the 23rd.  These
were not peace negotiations in any meaningful sense; NATO presented a
non-negotiable proposal guaranteeing Kosovar political autonomy, which the
Serbs were clearly willing to accept.  However, as explained below, they
balked at the military part of the agreement.

During this period, there were 1400 international observers from the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) already in
Kosovo, pursuant to UN Security Council resolutions.  The OSCE's Kosovo
Verification Mission (KVM), headquartered in Pristina and supported by
NATO surveillance aircraft, was tasked with monitoring the fragile
cease-fire between Yugoslav security forces and the rebel KLA.

You can read for yourself the press releases and documents of the KVM
observers, which are online at http://www.osce.org/e/kosovo.htm.  The
whole point of the KVM was to tell the UN and the world what was going on
in Kosovo.  Read what they wrote.  You'll find not a one-sided conflict,
but reports of kidnappings, killings, and other abuses on both sides.

For example, on February 23rd, the KVM protested Yugoslav mistreatment and
harassment of the observers.  But on January 15th, two KVM observers were
shot and wounded by the KLA.  Read the whole set of press releases for
yourself, and you'll find both Serbs and the KLA denounced for violations
on a regular basis.

As the Rambouillet talks drew to a close, neither the Serbs nor the
Kosovars had signed the agreement.  And by the end -- reports conflict
over when the language was added -- NATO's implementation language,
Appendix B, raised tensions further by giving NATO troops not just the
right to occupy Kosovo, but to act as commandant through the rest of
Yugoslavia as well.

(For your convenience, I've placed both the full Rambouillet document and
Appendix B on my website, http://www.bobharris.com.)

This demand for the right to occupy all of Yugoslavia wasn't even part of
the Kosovars' shopping list, but NATO made it the center issue.  This is
utterly inconsistent with having only the Kosovars' interests at heart.

Indeed, a senior State Dept. officer reportedly boasted at the time to
American reporters -- off the record, of course -- that the U.S. "had
deliberately set the bar higher than the Serbs could accept... they need
some bombing, and that's what they're going to get."


BEGIN BACKSTORY

This is hardly surprising, in light of a press release issued by the U.S.
Senate Republican Policy Committee on August 12, 1999, predicting more
than six months in advance that the White House was planning to lead
America into war over Kosovo.  (I've placed a mirror of the entire
document on my website at
http://www.bobharris.com/GOPpolicycommittee.html, with key passages noted
in red.)

The White House's concern, notably, was not *for* the refugees, but
*about* them: at that time, the massive flight was still months away.
Instead, as this space has long noted, the real concern was regional
stability, hoping that military action would prevent a flow of refugees
into neighboring countries, thus destabilizing the entire region.

Notably, the bombing campaign has had precisely the opposite effect: there
are now at least 800,000 refugees.

Woops.


DIGRESSION ON "HUMANITARIAN BOMBING"

The whole concept that this was intended as a humanitarian intervention is
belied by several obvious facts: Rambouillet says virtually nothing about
the existing refugee population of the time; no relief aid is being flown
in by the U.S. or NATO, as outlined below; and the U.S. is doing nothing
right now -- nothing -- to assist in similar conflicts in Turkey, East
Timor, and elsewhere.  In fact, the U.S. has armed the oppressors in both
cases, as they have in recent memory in Guatemala, El Salvador, and so on.

Speaking of which -- y'ever hear of Vojvodina?  No?  I thought not.  It's
right there in Yugoslavia.  It's the northern province.  Over 300,000 of
the locals are ethnic Hungarians.  Belgrade wants them to abandon their
homes and leave the country.  Sound familiar?  And no one in NATO even
acknowledges their existence.  See?  Even *right there in Yugoslavia,* for
crying out loud, there's ethnic conflict brewing that the U.S. and NATO
ignore at their own convenience.

Then again, Vojvodina is, as far as I can tell, mostly rolling farmland
and vinyards with no lead, zinc, cadmium, or coal in sight.  It's probably
just a coincidence that nobody ever mentions it.


END OF ONE DIGRESSION, BEGINNING OF ANOTHER, ON THE KLA

Notably, at the very same moment the White House was already preparing for
war, August of 1998, the State Department characterized the KLA as "armed
extremists:"

*Warning:  The Department of State warns U.S. citizens against travel to
and around Serbia's southern province of Kosovo... Both the police and
Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK) are active in the region and each operates
numerous checkpoints throughout Kosovo... Police checkpoints are numerous
throughout Kosovo and the Yugoslav Army is increasingly visible outside
garrisons.  Armed ethnic Albanian extremists are also increasingly visible
and have set up temporary roadblocks at 
some points...*

        -- U.S. State Dept. Consular Information Sheet, August 26, 1998

In reality, the KLA, a violent contra group which has never been the
elected voice of the Albanian Kosovars, is as expansionist as the Serbs,
fighting for the dream of a "Greater Albania," comprising all of Albania
and Kosovo, plus parts of Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, and Greece.
(I've posted their official map at http://www.bobharris.com for your
convenience.)

This is every bit as insane and destabilizing a goal as "Greater Serbia,"
although in this case, the KLA -- whose actions were labeled as
"terrorist" by KVM observers on several occasions -- are the good guys du
jour.

The KLA's commander, predictably enough, is Agim Cecu, the former Croatian
army general who oversaw the ethnic cleansing of at least 170,000 Serb
civilians from Krajina.

I'm sure he won't mind at all when NATO tries to disarm his troops.

Whoever winds up occupying Kosovo, chances are they'll still have to fight
the KLA.


FINALLY, WE RETURN TO THE MAIN TIMELINE
It's only after the Rambouillet talks ended, with no prospect for peace in
sight, that reports began of the Yugoslav military massing at the Kosovo
border in preparation for war, just as preparations in the U.S. and other
NATO countries escalated as well.

Even so, as late as March 1st, the KVM observers wrote from Kosovo that
despite "an increase in tension... the [Yugoslav] authorities have been
co-operative and have shown restraint throughout."  

On March 18th, Kosovar representatives were finally cajoled into signing
the Rambouillet agreement by NATO assurances that, in 2002, the issue of
Kosovo's status would receive "final settlement" in a plebescite,
virtually assuring independence.  This is one of the promises NATO has now
reportedly abandoned.

Meanwhile in Kosovo, KVM observers noted a massive build-up of Serbian
military and paramilitary police, apparently in response to the Paris
talks.

The next day, KVM Head of Mission William Walker announced the withdrawal
of observers from Kosovo:

"I want to explain why it is essential that we leave... there is no way to
break through the impasse other than a dramatically different approach
demonstrated, if necessary by force, that both sides to the conflict must
sign the draft agreement."

In other words, the observers were leaving precisely *so* NATO bombs could
begin to fall.

That's a pretty weird thing for an impartial, international observer to
say, but then, Walker is a pretty weird choice for a human rights monitor:
as U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador, Walker looked the other way at
atrocities committed by paramilitaries on the U.S. payroll.

Back in Belgrade, Yugoslav generals made open threats against the civilian
population of Kosovo.  But still, not all hope was lost.  On March 23rd,
the Serbian parliament issued a statement reiterating their acceptance of
the political, but not the military terms, of Rambouillet and Appendix B.
And as late as April, *Newsweek* magazine reported that peaceful
negotiations might still have been possible.

We may reasonably doubt if the Milosevic government would have negotiated
in good faith.  But we know, too, that NATO did not.

The bombs began to fall on March 24th.

CIA warnings that the bombing campaign would lead to widespread atrocities
by the Serbian military were cast aside.  By most accounts, the White
House and NATO leaders originally estimated that perhaps a fortnight of
bombing would be sufficient to bring Milosevic to his knees.
  
It didn't take a CIA briefing to know what would happen next.  Read the
letter from the editor of a Pristina newspaper, written the day the bombs
began to fall, posted at
http://www.nyu.edu/globalbeat/syndicate/Gorani0399.html, to get a sense of
the uselessness of the NATO air attacks, and the inevitable consequences:

"The fear is that once the air strikes begin, 'the massacre' [quotes are
his, showing it is a local phrase] many of us feared will finally come...
they intend to cleanse the north and northeast, possibly parts of the east
and some portions of the center... while these regions contain many
valuable mines and some key Orthodox religious sites, the main aim is
probably simply to 'cleanse' them... once the air strikes begin, Serb
reprisals on the urban areas is inevitable... without a strong involvement
of ground troops, the situation here will only deteriorate."

(Damn.  There's the mining wealth mentioned by yet another local.  Funny
how everyone in Kosovo knows there's a bunch of money in the ground, but
nobody in America has heard about it yet.)

Indeed, Serbian forces unleashed a brutal offensive through the Kosovo
countryside, virtually unimpeded by NATO aircraft, as all sides knew would
occur.

Difficult as this may be to comprehend, no serious military strategist
believes that a B-2 bomber, humping all the way from Missouri to bomb the
Balkans, is really the most efficient way to stop armed thugs from raping
a villager.

You simply can't stop a massacre on the ground by dropping bombs from
three to six miles in the air.  You can, however, add to the suffering
immensely.

Why don't NATO planes fly lower, possibly giving some semblance of air
cover to fleeing refugees?  The reasons are political, not military.  NATO
leaders have feared from the outset -- correctly -- that any appreciable
Western casualties would lead immediately to widespread protest.  Thus the
lives of over a thousand civilians on the ground, including hundreds of
fleeing Albanians, have been sacrificed to keep an unpopular war
politically viable.

Notably, in spite of NATO's alleged concern for refugees, there's
essentially nothing in the Rambouillet agreement regarding their safety,
nor has NATO bothered airlifting food, clothing, and other supplies to the
600,000 internally displaced refugees still within Kosovo.  That would
require flying low, since food, unlike bombs, must be aimed to have the
desired effect.  And that's too dangerous a job for the gallant men of
NATO to undertake.

Instead, the job of airlifting food has fallen to the private
International Rescue Committee.  A dozen courageous Russian pilots from
Moldova are currently flying rickety old Antonov 26 transports into Kosovo
airspace in order to feed the needy, so far without incident.

According to the *L.A. Times,* the Pentagon, informed of their plans,
thought this was "not a good idea."

The Pentagon's ability to judge a good idea is abundantly open to question.

And so here we are, apparently soon to agree to terms largely available
before the war even began.

800,000 Albanian Kosovars have fled since the start of the bombing;
hundreds of thousands more are displaced within Kosovo.  Most will never
return.  Many homes and villages are, in essential respects, gone.

Surrounding nations are appreciably affected by the influx of refugees.
The political ramifications are hard to predict, but it can't imaginably
be a stabilizing force.  Around the world, the Cold War has been
kick-started.  China is still furious over the embassy bombing (not to
mention the Cox report), and Russian opinion of America is now at historic
lows.

Nobody's writing it yet, but there's a *damned* good chance that as the
direct result of this war, the communist party will win Moscow's upcoming
elections, with all the foreign policy headaches that will entail.

Roughly 5000 Albanians have been killed by Yugoslavia.  This may or may
not include some KLA members, whose casualty figures seem not to be known,
even in rough numbers.  Hundreds of thousands of Albanian men are
reportedly missing.

Roughly 1200 civilians have been killed by NATO, mostly Serbs, but also
including hundreds of Albanians, and smatterings of many other
nationalities, including several Chinese.  The *Boston Globe* ran the
numbers and found that, smart bombs and high tech notwithstanding, the
number of civilian casualties per ton of explosive used has been the same
as in Vietnam and World War II.

The economic and environmental catastrophe will be chronicled in coming
months.  For now, we know that the bombing of Belgrade's infrastructure
will make it that much easier for Milosevic to retain power.

Coupled with NATO sanctions placed in an effort to destabilize the
government by torturing the populace -- a tactic which has worked so well
in removing Castro and Hussein from power -- the bombing's destruction of
water treatment, electric, fuel oil, and other facilities guarantees a
harsh and deadly winter for the people of Serbia, whose hatred of the U.S.
will only grow.

Likewise, the bombings are largely responsible for destroying the
infrastructure of Kosovo, so the number of Albanian refugee deaths during
the winter to come might well be fearsome as well.

Meanwhile, the West is backing a KLA as violent and expansionist as any
Serbian paramilitary, led by a Croatian advocate of still more ethnic
cleansing.  

And so, no matter what the parties may eventually sign, peace is not yet
at hand.

In short, well over a million lives have been uprooted or destroyed.

And depending on the terms of the final peace agreement, it's entirely
possible that historians will conclude that it didn't even have to happen.

___________________________

An update on the War Powers Act lawsuit:

The lawsuit brought by 31 members of Congress (erratum: my earlier pieces
reported a lower number) to enforce the War Powers Act will be heard by
District Court Judge Paul Friedman.

The White House has asked the judge to dismiss the case out of hand, and
Friedman promises to rule on that motion as early as Monday or Tuesday of
this week.  If the lawsuit stands, a hearing on the issues is now
scheduled for June 23rd.

The U.S. Constitution gives Congress, not the President, the power to
declare war.  On April 28th, a resolution in the House of Representatives
in favor of the NATO war in Kosovo failed in a tie vote.  A motion to
declare war against Yugoslavia failed by a vote of 427-2.

The War Powers Act, a federal law passed by Congress in 1973, was passed
specifically to prevent presidents from waging war without the consent of
Congress.  The law, whose constitutionality has not yet been decided by
the courts, required the White House to disengage from the current
conflict by May 25th.

Judge Friedman is a good man.  He was an assistant to Lawrence Walsh
during the Iran-Contra investigation, and his most important ruling,
Federal Election Commission v. GOPAC, reined in some of Newt Gingrich's
financial shenanigans.  However, Judge Friedman is a Clinton appointee,
and no matter how valid the legal case may or may not be, it would take
singular political courage to enforce a law that would compel the White
House to change their course of military action. 

Let's hope he at least allows the Congressmen to be heard.

In any case, media coverage has been shamefully nonexistent.  A story on
the suit was carried on the AP wire on June 4th, but a search of the New
York Times database indicates they still have yet to mention the lawsuit
at all.

___________________________

An update on the Trepca mines:

Further information is difficult to come by.  Two tidbits, however, have
presented themselves:

The Times of London carried a story on January 8, 1998, discussing the
murky origin of the KLA/UCK: 

"The KLA is run from Western Europe and people [in central Kosovo] have
little idea who the leaders are.  There is a widespread view, however,
that many are veterans of a conflict at Trepca lead mine..."

Hmm.  That fits.

(This is odd: the Times website (http://www.the-times.co.uk/) includes an
online archive of every issue since January 1, 1996.  I'm sure this is
purely a coincidence, but the issues of January 1998, when the origins of
the KLA were discussed, appear to be the only ones now unavailable.)

Meanwhile, the July 8, 1998 New York Times report I quoted last week
contained a quote from the director of the Trepca mining complex which I
somehow managed not to notice:

"The war in Kosovo is about the mines, nothing else.  This is Serbia's
Kuwait."

Fascinating.

It's not clear who will get to run what under any peace agreement, but one
likely scenario involves a de facto partition, with the Russians policing
the end of Kosovo nearer the Serbian border, and the UN (with a NATO
contingent) administering the end closer to Albania.

Let's see if there's a fight over whose side of the line the mines wind up
on.

___________________________

Finally, a personal note: 

As you probably know, I sent out an open letter last week asking people to
read a number public documents relevant to Kosovo for themselves.  I also
called for public support of a) a cease fire, b) a negotiated settlement
administered under the UN flag -- much like that which is now being
discussed -- and c) the idea that the White House might pursue this and
future wars in accordance with the Constitution.

Somehow, a lot of readers misunderstood this as either ignoring -- or
worse, apologizing -- for the rampaging evil the Serbian military has
inflicted on Kosovo.

Oy.

Clearly, and as I have noted here repeatedly, the Milosevic government and
Serbian military have committed innumerable horrific acts -- mass
expulsions, rape, and murder -- against the Albanian Kosovars.  And yes,
Serbian paramilitaries did similar things in Bosnia.  And yes, that's
awful, far beyond my ability to describe.

That was so widely reported, and so obvious, that I didn't think it was
necessary to restate the obvious, nor did I think it hard to comprehend
that the question before us isn't "have the Serbs done really bad things?"
but "is the U.S./NATO action making the situation better or worse?"

The answer to the latter question, frustrating and hard to confront as it
might be, is obvious.

Even the most casual observer should be familiar with the hundreds of
mainstream news reports stating that Kosovar Albanian refugees -- whose
numbers have swelled since the bombings began from tens of thousands to
perhaps a million -- are fleeing from NATO warplanes in addition to the
Serbian security forces whom the NATO bombs have so little deterred.   

It is entirely possible to -- and in my mind impossible not to -- oppose
both.

Apparently understanding such a complex idea was too much to ask of some
people.

Let's make this clear, for anyone who has doubts:

Opposing a policy which strengthens Milosevic's power in Belgrade is not
equivalent to being pro-Milosevic.

Suggesting that the U.S. media act as more than a mouthpiece for NATO is
not the same as suggesting that they act as a mouthpiece for anyone else.

Opposing the killing of Albanians by NATO is not synonymous with
advocating the killing of Albanians by anyone else.

This is all as narrow-minded as the idea that anyone who opposed Joe
McCarthy was, logically, a communist.

And yet letters oozing with logic of this type arrived by the dozen.
(Letters of support, thankfully, arrived by the score.)

The following may seem blatantly self-serving, and for that I apologize,
but the irony is too weird not to mention:

For criticizing the unnecessary killing of children and the elderly, I
have been called a coward; for telling the truth about things that are a
matter of public record, I have been called a liar; and for suggesting
that the U.S. Constitution should matter, I have been called a traitor.

Wow.  I mean, wow.

But still, I'd like to make peace with those for whom I have been unable
to make my position clear.

I've long believed that Rabbi Abraham Heschel's famous teaching that the
purpose of prayer is to "comfort the afflicted and afflict the
comfortable" applies to journalism, too.

But perhaps focusing my columns so much on doing the latter (to NATO) has
given the false impression that I'm uninterested in doing more of the
former (for the refugees).  OK.  My bad.  Let's fix that right now.

Here's the contact info for three of the many really cool organizations
that can turn your cash donation into food in a refugee's stomach or a
coat on their back:

Doctors Without Borders
6 East 39th Street, 8th Floor
New York, NY 10016
Telephone: 888-392-0392

Oxfam America
26 West Street
Boston, MA 02111
800-77OXFAM

American Red Cross
P.O. Box 37243
Washington, D.C. 20013
Telephone: 800-HELP-NOW

To those of you who have asked how you can help the refugees, here's how.
Give these folks a call.  They've made the process of giving them money
remarkably easy.  There are operators ready to accept your donations 24
hours a day, 7 days a week.  They take VISA and MasterCard.  (The Red
Cross makes you work through a little menu.  To support the Kosovar
refugees, press "1" to donate, then choose option "2" for the
International Response Fund.)

To those readers whose thoughtful replies helped me realize my position
wasn't clear, thanks.  I appreciate your letters very much.

And to those who responded merely with imaginatively-spelled hate mail,
wielding your idea of compassion as a bludgeon upon anyone who questions
the wisdom of dropping cluster bombs from 15,000 feet when civilians are
present, a friendly challenge: 

I've debated whether I should mention this, since it's gross to grandstand
one's own charity, but what the hell, it might do some good: even as some
of you were frothing, I had already made donations to these three agencies
-- I won't get into specifics, but combined, it's a nice pile -- earmarked
for Kosovo relief.

If you think you care about the Kosovars more than I do... that's
excellent news.  I'm glad.  Put your money where your email is, and pretty
soon, together, we'll make one hell of a difference.

If you can't afford to donate serious cash to all three, send a hundred
bucks to just one.  Or send fifty.  Send twenty bucks.  That's what your
internet access probably costs every month.  If you can't budget that
much, you've got no business accusing others of lacking compassion.

You want the Kosovars fed and sheltered?  Me, too.

So let's feed and shelter them together.

Peace.

___________________________

Bob Harris is a radio commentator, political writer, and stand-up comedian
who has spoken at almost 300 colleges nationwide.

To receive a free email subscription to The Scoop, just send a blank email
to [EMAIL PROTECTED]

___________________________

Bob's Big Plug-O-Rama� (updated 5/24/99):

The new book, [Steal This Book And Do Life Without Parole], is finally
finished, with cartoons by Tom Tomorrow and a foreword by Paul Krassner.
You can visit the fine publisher at http://www.commoncouragepress.com.

http://www.bobharris.com will be expanding soon.  If all goes according to
plan, you'll be able to access radio, stand-up comedy, and other clips,
along with a gallery of really goofy headshots.

Syndication of "This Is Bob Harris," the daily radio feature, is rolling
along: almost 70 stations and counting, with a new station signing up
every few days now.  Call your favorite station and ask for the feature.
They pay attention, honest.

Cool and strange: the radio stuff is also broadcast in over 140 countries
by Armed Forces Radio -- and during the Rush Limbaugh program at that!
Partly as a result, this column now has regular subscribers in 34
countries all over the world.

The Scoop is also available online in RealAudio at
http://www.webactive.com/webactive/soapbox/monday.html

Finally, Mother Jones online (http://www.motherjones.com) now carries The
Scoop.  I am honored to be associated with these people.  They rule.


______________________________________________________________________
To unsubscribe, write to [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Start Your Own FREE Email List at http://www.listbot.com/



Reply via email to