-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
The Treason of the Senate
David Graham Phillips
academic reprints
p.o. box 3003
Stanford, California
Cosmopolitian Magazine
Vol. XL - March, 1906 - No.5
--[3]--
CHAPTER 3
Left Arm of the Monster
WE have now seen,
First: That there has been in the past quarter of a century an amazing and
unnatural uppiling of wealth in the hands of a few; that there has been an
equally amazing and equally unnatural descent of the masses, despite skill
and industry and the boundless resources of the country, toward the
dependence of wages and salaries; that the massing of wealth and the
diffusion of dependence are both swiftly increasing.
Second: That these abnormal conditions have come with, and out of, the
development of a small group of controllers of railways and, through them, of
finance and manufactures; that this little group controls and freely levies
upon and trims the twenty thousand millions of our annual internal commerce,
three-fourths of which is interstate and therefore subject to the supervision
of Congress only.
Third: That this little group owes its power and its wealth, in part to
legislation favoring it, but in the main to the failure of Congress to
safeguard the people in the possession of the fruits of their labor by
enacting the laws in regulation of interstate commerce which the public
welfare has clearly demanded and which the Constitution clearly authorizes.
Fourth: That the responsibility both for legislation in favor of "the
interests" and for failure to legislate in restraint upon their depredations
rests wholly and directly upon the United States Senate.
Fifth: That, as the Senate's legislation for "the interests" and its failure
to legislate against them have not been frank and open, but tricky, stealthy
and underhanded, the Senate cannot plead in its own defense either ignorance
or honest motives; that its conduct has been and is deliberate, has been and
is an intentional serving of "the interests" and an intentional betrayal of
the people, has been and is treason.
Sixth: That the right arm of this treason has been and is Senator Aldrich.
But the monster has a left arm, also. And that left arm, almost as powerful
and quite as useful as the right, is Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland.
The common enemy, "the interests," dominate the political as well as the
industrial machinery of the nation. In the political machinery of both
parties they have at the important points faithful, well-paid agents, shrewd
at fooling the people or at selecting those who can fool the people. Their
control of state legislatures is such that they determine nearly
three-fourths of the senators. Whoever may be, "for appearance's sake." in
charge of the Rcpublican machine, Aldrich is really in charge. Whoever may be
nominally at the head of the Democratic machine, Gorman is really there. For
only to men approved by them or their lieutenants will "the interests" supply
the "oil" indispensable to a machine. Popular movements and heroes and spasms
of reform rage and pass; but the machine abides, and after the storm it
resumes; indeed, it works exceeding well even through the roughest cyclones.
To our national political machine, with its label that reads "Republican' I
on the one side and "Democratic" on the other, Aldrich and Gorman are as the
thumb and the forefinger to a skillful hand.
Gorman, From Page to "Patriot"
Gorman was born in Maryland sixtyseven years ago. After a few years at public
school, he, at the age of thirteen, entered politics; his father, a
contractor and lobbyist in a small way, got him a place as page in the United
States Senate. This was in 1852, when the slave oligarchy, then in the heyday
of its haughtiness, was using the same methods of sophistries about alleged
"constitutional law', and alleged jealousy for the "grand old Constitution"
that the industrial oligarchy is using in this heyday of its haughtiness. The
slave oligarchy, to maintain and strengthen itself, was strenuous for the
state as paramount over the nation; to-day, we have the doctrine resurrected
by alleged Republicans from its grave under the battlefields of the Civil
War, rehabilitated and restated to make the nation impotent before enemies
far worse than the slave oligarchy. And under the renovated banner of
"states' rights," "the blue" and "the gray," the "bloody shirt" Forakers and
Spooners and the Confederate Baileys and Stones march shoulder to shoulder in
protecting "the interests" in their lootings.
Gorman, the brightest of bright boys, absorbed and assimilated all the
mysteries of the Senate�all its crafty, treacherous ways of smothering, of
emasculating, of perverting legislation; how to thwart the people and shift
the responsibility; when to kill a just bill in committee and when to kill it
in open Senate in the midst of a wild scrimmage among " honest patriots
contending only for the right but conscientiously differing in views." For
the Senate, not elected by the people, not responsible to them, and
containing a controlling nucleus of men who have their seats as securely and
for as long a period as the members of any hereditary legislative body in the
world�the Senate has almost from the beginning been the bulwark of whatever
form of privilege happened to be struggling to maintain itself against the
people.
Gorman continued his invaluable education in the Senate throughout the
stormy, corrupt days of the Civil War. In 1866 he received from a Republican
President the internal-revenue collectorship for the Fifth Maryland District.
It has been charged that he was in those days a Republican, and that this
appointment is proof of it. But the charge is foolish. He was no more a
Republican then than he is a Democrat now. Such men have no politics of
principle; and no one will think they have if he will take the trouble to
glance from the badge to the man and his deeds. In the spring of 1869, Gorman
ceased to be a Republican officeholder; in the fall he was elected to the
lower house of the Maryland legislature by the Democratic party. There, at
the age of thirty, he entered upon his real career.
Aldrich's simple home problem has been to rule Rhode Island by means of an
aristocratic old constitution which puts all the power in the hands of the
ignorant and cheaply purchaseable voters of a few sparsely populated rural
townships. Gorman's has been less easv, yet far from difficult. Maryland,
being a border state, has a great many white Republicans; and there is a
negro vote large enough to hold the balance of power. It has been Gorman's
cue to keep " negro domination" ever before the eyes of the Maryland voter,
to make the whites feel that, rotten though his machine is, it is yet the
only alternative to "rule by and for the black." When the Republican machine,
usually his docile dependent, would in some brief spasm of reform cease to
play his game, he has sometimes lost; not always, because the uncertain
conditions in Baltimore compelled the machine to maintain at all times an
army of thugs, repeaters, ballot-box stuffers and the like, and several times
the lost day has been saved to him by a carnival of ballot-box debauchery and
bloody rioting.
In a speech in Baltimore, on October 15, 1895,Theodore Roosevelt said,
" I caught Mr. Gorman in an ugly falsehood, one that might be termed better
in the plain Anglo-Saxon word of three letters."
Mr. Bonaparte, the present secretary of the navy said on March 31, 1904:
"A good many years ago Mr. Gorman was described on good Democratic authority
as a 'generalissimo of the lobby.' Senator Gorman calls me a professional
reformer. Whether it is more commendable to be a professional reformer or a
professional lobbyist I must leave each to judge for himself. But I must own
that Senator Gorman's 'profession' has had one advantage over mine�it has
been vastly more profitable. Although the senator seems to think honesty is
of minor importance in determining a man's qualifications for high public
office, it is certainly true that a conspicuous absence of this qualification
has not proved fatal to at least one man holding a high office and aspiring
to a higher." (Gorman was then a seeker of the nomination for President.)
On October 22, 1888, Henry E. Wooten, a distinguished Marylander living at
Ellicott City, issued an open letter to Gorman in which he challenged him to
sue for libel on the following statements:
"That you, with your own hands, assisted by others, distributed three
thousand dollars among the ruffians that thronged the city in 1875.
"That you were an active participant in the fraud of 1879. You had Higgins at
your headquarters in Baltimore, and he was in this county at least upon two
occasions closeted with you and other conspirators against the rights and
liberties of the people, perfecting the details of the conspiracy, conferring
as to what names should be dropped and what names misspelled, and by which
route the negro repeaters should be sent out.
That you are steeped in corruption and saturated with official perjury."
Gorman did not sue Mr. Wooten for calling him a briber and perjurer. Nor did
he sue Mr. Roosevelt for calling him a liar, nor Mr. Bonaparte for calling
him a notoriously dishonest professional lobbyist. Nor did he sue Bernard
Carter, the eminent lawyer and Democrat, who denounced him as "generalissimo
of the lobby " when he was handing over the streets of Baltimore to the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, which was the section of "the interests " he
chiefly represented in those days.
Basis of Gorman's Power
The original basis of Gorman's power in Maryland was the state-built and
state-owned Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, connecting the coal regions with tide
water. This canal had two values for a boss: it offered an indefinitely large
number of "soft snaps"�good for heelers of all grades�and it enabled corrupt
and highly profitable negotiations with the railways, which would be
prevented from looting the people through extortionate freight rates if it
were honestly administered. Gorman appreciated both of these values to the
uttermost. In 1872, at the very outset of his career, he had himself made
president of the canal company, and that soon enabled him to make himself
boss of the party and of the state, at first a levier upon the corrupt
controllers of big corporations, then a partner and promoter of those
controllers in "milking" both the corporations and the people. In 1880, a
suit was brought by Daniel K. Stewart to enjoin Gorman and his gang in
control of the canal from entering into contracts to give the railroad
companies rebates. The testimony revealed Gorman as a grafter, great and
small. There was the big side to the scandal�the huge loot in rebates, and in
packing the service with idle heelers. Then there was the minor stealing
revealed in expense accounts, of which this is only one typical specimen from
a mass offered in evidence:
Dec. 13, 1874.
Gorman-
Board and rooms $13.50
Boy, 25 cts. ; fire, $1 -50; cash, 50 cts. 2.25
Fires in two rooms 1-50
Two carriages,$4; telegram, 30 cts. 4.30
Champagne, $2; hack, $1 3.00
Cash to waiters 10.00
[Total] $34.55
Despite scandal and outcry Gorman, giving Maryland choice between thug
domination and "nigger" domination, was able to hold on to the canal until it
had been" milked dry," had been rendered worthless and had been turned over
by Gorman's legislature to the Baltimore and Ohio and the Western Maryland
Railways And with it went the people of Maryland's protection against
railway-rate extortion through the necessities of life.
It was by stupendous open frauds that the gang elected the legislature which
put Gorman into the United States Senate in 1881. Several of the heelers
afterwards confessed. Harrig, for instance, told how " Gorman and Higgins
called the body of men (repeaters) together to meet them at a certain hotel
in this city (Baltimore). He (Gorman) wanted a certain man in Howard County
defeated for the legislature." Charlie Goodman, who had twenty-eight entries
in the criminal docket against him, told how " Higgins paid me five dollars
apiece for my forty men." He told about various Baltimore elections-the gangs
of roughs sent by the political machines of New York, Philadelphia, etc., in
exchange for similar services from the Gorman gang. "Those repeaters," said
he, " have been put in my hands forty strong. I was ordered not to put in
less than five thousand votes; but I usually put in fifty-eight hundred." So
diligently did Gorman reward the assiduity of his humble allies who lifted
him to the Senate by these methods that the Independent Democrats of
Maryland, in a public address in 1887, said, "Of twenty-three state and
federal employees in one ward (of Baltimore) we have found nineteen whose
names appear on the criminal records." There were money rewards also; these,
of course, came chiefly from the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, which financed
the Gorman machine and which had the first call upon Gorman himself until the
Pennsylvania Railroad bought control of the Baltimore and Ohio. Then,
naturally, Gorman passed to the service of that powerful section of "the
interests" called the "Pennsylvania."
We may not linger upon Gorman's home record�upon the treachery to the people
of Maryland, equal proportionately to Depew's and Platt's in New York, to
Aldrich's in Rhode Island�the hundreds of millions of loot, the great
licenses to loot in perpetuity handed over, with no public compensation, to
railway companies, gas companies, traction companies, or, rather, to the
greedy few who " milk" those companies and, through the companies, the
people. The distinction between the corporation and the thief who seizes and
robs it and uses it as a tool for robbing others should not be lost sight of.
It is precisely that abysmal but too often overlooked distinction which makes
the men in control of our industrial machinery, not leaders and developers of
the national resources, but looters and national enemies, parasites upon
prosperity, and upon the producers of prosperity.
"Where a Man's Treasure Is"
Gorman entered the Senate as a senator twenty-five years ago this spring. He
already knew the mysteries of the Senate. He had been studying and practicing
the black art of politics for nearly thirty years. Inevitably he was soon a
leader, the trusted counselor of those of his party who wished to be led
skillfully in the subtle ways of doing the will of "the interests" without
inflaming the people against them- He, of course, entered the Senate
primarily as an agent of the eminently respectable among his pals and
sponsors, the interstate looters through the railway corporations of his
state. Every traitor senator, whatever else he represents in the way of an
enemy to the people, always represents some thief or group of thieves through
railways. For the railway, reaching everywhere, as intimate a part. of our
life now as the air we breathe, is the easy and perfect instrument of the
wholesale looter of investors and of the public, and is also the natural
nucleus and subsidizer of a political machine. And, as the railways have
merged-even Aldrich now publicly concedes that competition has been almost
abolished-the senators have "Merged" also. And peace reigns in the Senate
Chamber under a "community of interest" in treason corresponding to the
"community of interest" in spoliation.
But it is with the "merging" of the Republican and Democratic political
machines that we are now concerned. And let no one be distracted by the
roaring eloquence and the sham battles of the Senate or by the "eminent
respectability" of the senators into losing sight of the central fact that
the machines, drawing their revenues from the one power, ruled by the twin
agents of that power, are the property of that powernever more so than when
the politicians, wearing and disgracing official robes, beat the air and "
jam the wind" to make the people confuse party and party principle with party
machine. To appreciate the Senate look, not at its professions, not at the
surface pretenses of the measures it permits to become laws, but at the
effect of those laws-how plutocracy and plunder thrive under them. And to
understand why the laws always somehow fail to serve the people, always
somehow relicense the people's enemies, look at Aldrich and Gorman and their
band-how they got, how they keep their seats; whom they associate with; their
private fortunes; how their fortunes are invested. " Where a man's treasure
is, there will his heart be also."
Rarely does the Senate hold a session without there cropping out some
indication of the existence of this secret "merger" of the two party machines
under which they work together in harmony wherever "the interests" are
interested�befogging the responsibility for acts hostile to the public
interest, lining up senators from both parties for a debate or a vote, and
releasing to perfunctory, though always perfervid opposition, senators who
have "insuperable conscientious objections" in the particular matter or dare
not offend the people of their state in. that particular crisis. For, while
many of the "merged" senators can all but leave out of account the feelings
of "my people," there are more who have to be " conscientious" and careful
and crafty, except during the first two or three years after they have been
elected, and when they have three or four years before they come up for
election again. Occasionally the evidences of the existence and smooth
working of the "merger" are so plain that only the very stupid or the stone -
blind partisan would fail to see.
An Historic Act of Treachery
But these almost daily indications of the "merger" and of the real inwardness
of most of the senators on both sides are rarely clear enough for any but the
well versed in the mysteries and undercurrents of practical politics. For a
clear proof, let us recall the historic act of treachery which revealed
Gorman publicly and branded his ownership in national affairs as indelibly
and conspicuously upon him as it had long been branded upon him in Maryland
state affairs. Whenever there is a revenue or a railway-rate bill up before
the Senate, there is obviously a crisis of the first magnitude between "the
interests" and the people. The Senate is extremely slippery at manipulation
in public. Besides, it has its committees for doing in secret the traitorous
acts that could not be done publicly; and, in times of crisis, the "merger"
uses all the cunning of its double-headed leader, Aldrich-Gorman and his
adroit staff, in arranging the public side of the act of treachery so that
appearances will be deceptive or at least will deceive a people always
heretofore disposed too generously to give their publicmen the benefit of
every conceivable doubt. But in 1894 the" merger" was not working as smoothly
as it is now; " the interests " had not yet either driven honest senators
from public life, or coerced some of them, cowed others and flattered the
rest into silence or into no speech stronger than futile, general, and
impersonal protest couched in terms redolent of "senatorial courtesy." So the
great act of treason of 1894 was done with much and terrible public scandal.
The revenue or tariff bill�the Wilson bill�had come up from the House, with
much loot in it for "the interests," for Mr. Wilson and the honest among the
Democratic representatives in the House were no match for the sly
"Democratic" and "Republican" "tariff experts" of "the interests." But it did
contain free sugar, free coal, free iron and free barbed wire; and, as the
majority of the senators then posed as Democrats pledged to tariff reform,
the bill bade fair to pass-so the country thought-in some form that would
give partial relief from the exactions of "the interests," in so far as those
exactions arose through abuse of the tariff system. We get some faint idea of
how vast that plundering is when we note that the United States Steel
Corporation, worth actually about $3 50,000,000, makes in net profits upward
Of $120,000,000 a year; and, as in all large corporations, there is, in
addition to the profits for the stockholders, an usually larger "rake off"
for "the inside ring" that is hidden by bookkeeping and other devices of
"high finance."
As usual, Aldrich and Gorman retired to their finance committee with the
tariff bill�as the Senate was "Democratic," Gorman had taken the chairmanship
of the committee and the leadership of the Senate that goes with it, and
Aldrich had become nominal second in command. All the mischief, all the
treachery that was put into that bill in the secrecy of that committee by
those slippery twins, will never be known; it is impossible for anyone not in
the secret to grasp the effect of the sly amendments slipped in here and
there. But there could be no concealment of the treachery in giving the
looters of the people renewed and enlarged licenses to rob in such
necessities as iron and coal. Gorman's public pretext was that the tariffs on
those articles were needed for purposes of revenue! This, when we are
exporters, not importers, of iron and coal; and the duties on those articles
therefore serve only to enable the iron and coal monopolists to charge us
what they please without fear of foreign competition. The " merger " lined up
for the treason by Gorman, was composed of all Aldrich's men and the five
from Gorman's band necessary to piece out a majority of the Senate: Gorman,
Brice of Ohio, Murphy of New York, Smith and McPherson of New Jersey. With
this secure majority Gorman and Aldrich faced the infuriated House. So
aroused was the whole country that the House would not have yielded to the
traitor Senate had not Gorman given a solemn pledge that, if the
Gorman-Aldrichized Wilson bill were passed, he would see to it that the
Senate would afterwards pass and send to the House for passage four separate
bills placing sugar, iron, coal and barbed wire on the free list. The House
took his word and yielded; the Gorman-Aldrich bill, denounced by President
Cleveland as " party perfidy and party dishonor," became a law.
And what of Gorman's solemn pledge? He prepared and offered the four promised
bills. Then the Senate referred them�to the Aldrich-Gorman finance committee!
And they died a midnight death there. Their consignment to that chief
senatorial slaughter-pen of "the interests" was made by a "merger" vote�the
Aldrich men plus eight supplied by Gorman.
The Sugar Scandal
The public scandal centered about sugar.
Havemeyer had been too blatant, the trust had distributed and tendered bribes
almost openly, and senators and representatives had gambled in sugar stock.
When the whole country was ablaze, Senator Peffer of Kansas offered a
resolution to investigate. Senator Quay, among the "Republicans" then second
only to Aldrich in ardent and efficient service of "the interests," promptly
moved to lay the resolution-on the table, that is, to kill it. He was
seconded by Gorman, himself at that very moment in the public pillory as a
traitor to party and country. Here are a few characteristic sentences from
Gorman's speech:
"I denounce the outrageous misrepresentations of senators which have been
made. I trust that this case will bring the Senate of the United States back
to its old-time method of action. Let senators on both sides of the chamber,
without regard to party, vindicate this body by resenting the attempt to
bring in here such a matter as is included in the resolution of the senator
from Kansas. If he or any other senator on the floor believes that his
vindication is necessary, let him ask for an investigation. But to take up
these sweeping charges as to senators against whom there has heretofore not
been a breath of scandal, who have done nothing but discharge a public duty,
as they understand it, is, in my judgment, an outrage!"
This will vividly and amusingly remind the reader of some of the utterances
of distinguished senators and conspicuous newspaper servants of "the
interests" since the present series on the "Treason of the Senate" was
announced.
However, the "merger" lined up its motley band, and the Peffer resolution was
"tabled." But the scandal grew and grew and grew until, when Lodge, still in
the "reformer" stage of his career, offered another and similar resolution,
it was passed. Senatorial investigations of the Senate form about the most
derisive and disgusting of the many varieties of senatorial solemn farce.
This particular one was no exception. But despite the rotten insincerity and
connivance at suppression, so frightful was the corruption and so inadequate
to the situation was the then newly formed and awkwardly working "merger,"
that a few facts were brought out. The majority or "merger" report gave
everybody a nice, clean character. The minority report, got up by reformer
Lodge, who had not yet learned the Senate's gospel that the Almighty created
the American people for the benefit of "the interests," was less careful of
the "dignity of the Senate." It contained some facts as to Gorman's secret
work. It showed that the sugar trust magnates, Havemeyer, Searles, Henry R.
Reed and Cord Meyer, were in Washington more or less constantly and that
"they addressed their arguments principally" to Gorman and the other
"Democratic" members of the "merger." Said the Lodge report:
"It appears, by the testimony of Senator Vest, that Senator Brice of Ohio,
Senator Gorman of Maryland, Senator Smith of New Jersey, Senator Hill of New
York, and Senators White and McCafferty of Louisiana, after said conference
(a Democratic caucus) Fame to the rooms of the finance committee in regard to
the sugar schedule. Senator Vest testified that Senator Gorman urged a duty
of forty per cent. ad valorem, and one-fourth of a cent a pound differential
in favor of refined sugars as the proper schedule."
That is, Gorman was not satisfied with presenting over twenty million dollars
a year from the pockets of the people to the sugar trust�the gift which the
"merger" had previously arranged to grant. In his enthusiasm he tried to make
the gift forty millions a year! The two Louisiana Democratic senators balked
at this and prevented it.
The Lodge report continued:
" The sugar trust, by the evidence of its president and treasurer, has
contributed freely to the state and city campaigns of both parties, and these
contributions have been made in years when national elections were held. This
is a thoroughly corrupt form of campaign contributions, for such
contributions, being given to two opposing parties, are not for the purpose
of promoting certain political principles, but to establish an obligation to
the giver on the part of whichever party comes into power."
But nothing was done, except to improve and extend the "merger." It works
better nowadays. Aldrich and Gorman are more skillful, and the orators of
treason are more adroit. Aldrich had no such smooth sophist as Spooner then,
nor had Gorman a Bailey; the "new" or loot-licensing "constitutional
interpretation" was in its blundering infancy; the Senate was just beginning
to discover that the Constitution is unfortunately so worded that it contains
nothing to protect the people from their enemies, but only provisions for
protecting their enemies from them.
Ejected from His Seat but Back Again
Gorman was ejected from his seat in the Senate in 1896. But he retained his
old reliable Maryland machine, which, being financed by the Maryland branch
of "the interests," was proof against the brief inconstant winds of popular
clamor however cyclonic. And now he is back in the Senate again, and on duty
for those who sent him there, for those with whom his treasure is. He is more
stealthy than before-he has learned to be more cautious. But his modest
shrinking does not interfere with his usefulness. A senator's best work is
done in the " conference," in the " caucus " and in the committee-all secret.
It must not be supposed, because the "Democratic" representation in the
Senate is in a hopeless minority before the "Republican," that Democratic
senators are useless to the "merger" or that Gorman is not valuable. True,
Aldrich has more than enough votes on his own side of the Senate to
perpetrate almost any act of treason "the interests" may demand. But,
remember, there are many senators who must be let off from voting for this or
that measure, must even be allowed to speak in opposition that they may make
themselves "solid" with their constituents. For, while the "interests"-owned
legislatures can elect as senator almost anybody "the interests" advocate,
still there is a limit-the man must not be a stench in the nostrils of the
people, unless the state is a rotten borough like Rhode Island or Montana or
West Virginia, or has peculiar political conditions like New York,
Pennsylvania or Maryland. Sometimes the "merger" has to draw heavily upon the
band shepherded by Gorman. Again, it is wise for both parties to the "merger"
to assail in vigorous, honest, nonpartisan fashion some measure hostile to
"the interests" and helpful to the people which millionaire yeoman Joe Cannon
has had to send up from his House. In many ways, and at every session, Gorman
is useful�as useful as Aldrich.
For a small but classically perfect instance: On April 11, 1904, a resolution
to investigate post-office conditions, including the huge railway graft upon
the Post-Office Department, came before the Senate. Gorman moved to eliminate
the paragraph providing funds for the investigation. Aldrich rose and pointed
out that another paragraph, overlooked by Gorman, might be construed as
ordering the appropriation.
Gorman at once modified his motion. The resolution, freed of its hasty and
ill-considered features by the Gorman-Aldrich amendments, was passed by a
"merger" vote, and there could be no investigation of railway postal loot for
lack of funds!
Great Wealth of Gorman
The Senate is a great stickler for form. Places on committee are assigned by
rigid rule of seniority. Thus, all the important committees are composed of a
secure majority of seasoned veterans in treason, men who know how to serve
"the interests" with celerity, skill and noiseless stealth. A new senator
gets nothing, is nothing; and if he should revolt, should develop the courage
to rise up and in open Senate denounce the band of smooth, rich, socially
prominent, always affable, traitors, he would simply make himself a
senatorial pariah, and would be laughed at by the press of "the interests" as
an overheated crank. Thus far, none among the few honest senators has
developed that really heroic courage. Gorman, by his defeat in 1896, lost his
place in the Senate's line of promotion, and was on his return, in 1903, a
new senator. Yet, we find him immediately back on the all-powerful finance
committee! And whenever a measure marked for death by "the interests" enters
that secret chamber, there he is, ready to drive with expert hand a knife
into its heart, while Aldrich closes expert fingers on its throat to prevent
outcry.
Gorman is very rich, almost, if not quite, as rich as Aldrich. He is a
multi-millionaire, a partner in sundry railways and mines. He and his cousin,
Senator Elkins, chairman of the Senate interstate-commerce committee and
therefore chief executioner of all measures aimed at railway looters, are in
many enterprises together. But Gorman, though rich, lives modestly and does
nothing to cause the people to speak of him as a plutocrat, or to wonder
"where he got it," nothing to cause his poorer henchmen to turn upon him and
demand a "square deal."
Such is the "Democratic" leader of the Senate�a matched mate to the
"Republican" leader, Aldrich. And this being the character of the leadership,
what is the necessary conclusion as to the led?
We shall next look at the orators of the treason, the chief public
mouthpieces of the Senate.
pps. 32-41
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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