-Caveat Lector-

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The Progressive Response   16 July 1999   Vol. 3, No. 25
Editor: Martha Honey
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The Progressive Response (PR) is a weekly service of Foreign Policy in Focus
(FPIF), a joint project of the Interhemispheric Resource Center and the
Institute for Policy Studies. We encourage responses to the opinions expressed
in PR.
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Table of Contents

*** COMMENTS ON U.S. DRUG POLICY IN LATIN AMERICA ***
by Peter Zirnite and Coletta Youngers

*** FURTHER LOOK AT THE CIA-CONTRA-COCAINE CONNECTION ***
Intro by Martha Honey, excerpt from Peter Dale Scott's report
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

*** COMMENTS ON U.S. DRUG POLICY IN LATIN AMERICA ***

(Editor's note: This summer, the Foreign Policy In Focus project and the Drug
Policy Project of the Institute for Policy Studies are co-sponsoring a weekly
speaker and film series entitled "Rethinking the Drug War." The July 8
session, "Addicted to Failure: U.S. Drug War Overseas," featured Peter Zirnite
and Coletta Youngers, both experts on the militarization of the U.S.
antinarcotics efforts in Latin America. Both are also FPIF writers. Below are
excerpts from their talks.)


Peter Zirnite:

South of the U.S.-Mexican border, the United States is engaging militaries as
its primary partners in narcotics control. This is at a time when fledgling
democracies are trying to solidify their power, keep military involvement in
the barracks, and limit military activities to national defense--their
rightful role.

Washington has had a long love affair with Latin American militaries. And I
find this even more scandalous than that illicit liaison that dominated the
headlines last summer. While in both cases we have an extremely powerful
figure that's taking advantage of a weaker yet willing party, Washington's
strengthening of its arms' ties in the name of drug control has given rise to
high crimes and misdemeanors that truly undermine the foundations of
democracy. And this raises the question, why then has this unseemly
relationship failed to attract the media spotlight or generate a loud public
outcry?

To really understand why we haven't had the outcry that this issue should
generate, we have to look at the roots of how U.S. policymakers came to
believe that local militaries are the best partners in the war on drugs. And
this is a relationship that has deep, deep roots nurtured by two
well-documented proclivities of the U.S. The first is the U.S.'s penchant to
blame social ills such as drug abuse on outside, foreign influence. An impulse
that gives rise to a drug control policy that doesn't focus on demand (almost
every other nation's policy does), but instead addresses the supply. The
second, and I think this is really the one that addresses the issue of
militarization, is our propensity to call in the Marines. You've got a
problem, whenever there's a national threat, call in the Marines.

President Nixon put the process in motion when he declared drug trafficking a
national security threat. Ever since that declaration, national security has
been the rallying cry for everyone who advocated more firepower and money for
the war on drugs. Last July, for instance, national security was invoked by
Republican leaders when they announced their Western Hemisphere Drug
Elimination Act. Republicans ludicrously claim that their $2.6 billion plan
will reduce drug flow into this country by 80% by the year 2001. Yet the goal
of our actual national drug control strategy is to reduce drug trafficking by
15%, despite the fact that in recent years the flow of drugs has not declined
but increased.

A decade after Nixon first declared drugs to be a national security threat
President Reagan launched a rapid expansion of U.S. military involvement in
drug control efforts which remains unabated today. The Reagan administration
rationalized the expansion of the military role, in part by linking drug
trafficking to leftist guerrillas and governments, specifically in Cuba and
Nicaragua.

This guerrilla-drug link facilitated the U.S. shift from a cold war posture to
a drug war posture by bringing in many of the same old foes. Thus, the
Pentagon employs the same tactics used to fight commies to fight drug
traffickers. In 1988, when Congress passed the national defense appropriations
and authorization, it made the Defense Department (DOD) the lead agency in the
detection and monitoring of aerial and marine transit zones into the United
States. Congress required DOD to integrate it's communications and technical
intelligence networks with other various federal agencies and it also required
DOD to coordinate the increased use of the National Guard in anti-narcotics
activity.

In 1993, President Clinton did shift the emphasis of military operations--at
least in terms of energy, if not in terms of spending--from interdicting
cocaine as it moved through the transit zones to the so-called "air bridge"
that connects coca growers and coca paste manufacturers in Bolivia with
Colombian refiners and distributors. The ever-resourceful drug traffickers
responded by abandoning the use of aircraft and taking to the rivers. So now
U.S. emphasis is on riverine interdiction.

Traffickers also decided to start growing coca in Colombia rather than
transporting it from Bolivia and Peru, making Colombia the leading source of
coca in the world. Not only is the coca production doubling, the Colombian
manufacturers have introduced new coca plants that have a higher alkali
content that make stronger cocaine and they've also developed new methods of
refining coca into cocaine. They have a new product called "black cocaine"
that is almost impossible to detect through our standard interdiction efforts,
such as the use of drug sniffing dogs. So, as we shift our policy, the drug
traffickers shift theirs.

Not only did Clinton change the focus to the air bridge in Peru, he also
increased the emphasis on the military's role in drug control in Mexico by
placing the Mexican armed forces at the forefront of the fight against drugs
there. Mexico is a country where, traditionally, the military has stayed in
the barracks (one of the few such places in Latin America). It's interesting
to note, for instance, that Mexican military officials constitute the largest
percentage of students at the School of the Americas, which has also joined
the drug control game.

We have thousands of troops deployed annually throughout Latin America in
support of our drug war, operating ground-based radar, flying monitoring
aircraft, providing operational and intelligence support and, perhaps most
controversially, training the host nations' security forces. The exact number
of U.S. military personnel involved is difficult to ascertain, as is the full
extent and nature of U.S. assistance, because there are so many agencies
involved.

As a result of this lack of oversight and restriction, we end up working side
by side with some of the most egregious human rights violators in the world.
And our decision to work with foreign military officials has allied us with
some of the world's foremost drug traffickers. Drug-related corruption is
endemic and widespread throughout the region. From Mexico on south, armed
forces have all been linked to drug trafficking. Just last month, some of the
highest members of the Brazilian air force were found to be involved in a drug
money laundering ring. Last November, DEA [Drug Enforcement Administration]
and Customs officials searching a Colombian air force aircraft in Florida
discovered 415 kilos of cocaine and six kilos of heroin, which led to the
arrest of a number of air force officers and enlisted personnel. Despite the
failings of our marriage to Latin American militaries, we can't expect that
there will be any divorce soon.

Peter Zirnite is as Washington based journalist and author of "Militarization
of the U.S. Drug Control Program" (FPIF vol.3, no.27, available at
http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/briefs/vol3/v3n27drug.html) and
"Reluctant Recruits: The U.S. Military and the War on Drugs" (supported by
Washington Office on Latin America, August 1997)


Colletta Youngers:

All the statistics show that drugs are just as readily available, cheaper and
purer than ever before despite the fact that we've been throwing billions of
dollars into the drug war over the last fifteen years. The problem is that
drug war politics make it a lot easier for politicians to keep upping the ante
by sending more money, than to really question why these policies aren't
working and to look at how the real problems of drug abuse and violence in
this country could be conquered. So instead of reanalyzing, we've been
steadily increasing the amount of resources that we're putting into what is
very much a failed policy. But not only is it not working, it's also doing a
great deal of harm in the so-called source countries of Peru, Colombia,
Bolivia, and increasingly Mexico, an important transshipment point, where the
bulk of the resources and U.S. military attention is focused.

In Colombia and Peru, the U.S. is forging close ties with what may be the most
abusive police and military forces in the hemisphere today. In Bolivia, U.S.
pressure to eradicate coca crops has generated significant social unrest,
political violence, and armed conflict. In country after country, you can
document the way in which this policy, which is very much a real war for these
countries, is damaging trends toward democratization, demilitarization, and
respect for human rights that have tenuously started to develop over the last
several years.

I'd like to take a snapshot look at three different countries, Bolivia, Peru,
and Colombia, and describe the impact of U.S. drug policy. I'll conclude with
Colombia because I think that's the country where right now the present policy
is the most dangerous, and the U.S. has started down a very slippery slope of
increasing involvement in the Colombian counter insurgency war in the name of
fighting drugs. Colombia is currently the third-largest recipient of U.S.
security assistance in the world and also has, by far, the worst human rights
situation in the hemisphere.

Bolivia
Bolivia is the one country where the impact of U.S. policy is very clear.
There's not a counterinsurgency war taking place, no guerillas, no other
factors that make it difficult to discern the impact of U.S. involvement.
Basically you have a very clear scenario of U.S. insistence on antinarcotics
policies (primarily coca eradication) that have led directly to a range of
human rights abuses. There are four important elements to consider.

First, you have to distinguish between coca and cocaine. Coca is the plant
used to make cocaine. It has traditional, religious, social and cultural uses
in the Andean countries, particularly Bolivia and Peru, and for most Andean
cultures it is not an illicit crop. Cocaine is what you get when you mix coca
with cement and kerosene and other horrendous things and process it.

Second, coca farmers have basically gone into coca production because they've
been pushed out of the mines in Bolivia. In some cases, factories where they
once worked have been shut down due to neoliberal economic policies. In other
cases, they've been pushed off their land in Colombia by paramilitary warlords
and emigrated to Bolivia. These are poor farmers who are struggling to
survive. They earn enough to feed their families if they're lucky. And they
will tell you, "I'd grow something else if I could make a living out of it.
Right now coca is the only thing that lets me feed my family." And
unfortunately, the brunt of U.S. policy tends to fall on them, rather than
larger traffickers and high ranking government officials who may be linked to
the drug trade.

Third, the coca growers are very well organized, which means that they can
make demands on the government and therefore are seen as a threat. I think
that factor is significant in shaping the way the U.S. government has treated
them.

Fourth, the only two Latin American countries that really have a tremendous
amount of economic dependence on the U.S. are Bolivia and Haiti. That is, they
are two countries that, if decertified, will loose important assistance from
the international financial institutions (IFIs) that the U.S. government
provides through certain accounts, in particularly the Inter-American
Development Bank.

The U.S. grades the antidrug performance of thirty countries throughout the
world, and if you don't make the grade you are decertified. That means you
face a range of sanctions, one of which is U.S. no-votes on loans from IFIs.
So Bolivia is very very susceptible to U.S. pressure. If the U.S. says, "You
have to eradicate 7,000 hectares of coca," Bolivia must do it or risk a whole
range of sanctions that will jeopardize them economically.

So you have a situation where the brunt of the policy is on the coca growers.
Then you had a new element thrown into the picture a couple of years ago when
General Hugo Banzer was elected president. Banzer was a brutal dictator in the
seventies and came back this time through democratic means. He has a very
close relationship with the Bolivian armed forces and one of the things he's
tried to do as President is recreate the image of a strong and powerful
Bolivian army. Although Bolivia had resisted for some time getting the army
involved in counternarcotics efforts, Banzer incorporated them almost
immediately. Shortly after taking office, he launched a five-year plan to
eliminate all of what is called "excess coca," or coca that's not used for
legal purposes, in Bolivia within five years. In other words, he really upped
the ante from what we've had in the past in Bolivia regarding an eradication
program.

What this means is that the cycles of violence have accelerated. There are
certain dates when eradication targets have to be met, at which time the
Bolivian government will step up eradication efforts. Then the army and police
go in and chop down the coca plants by hand. Now if you're a poor coca farmer
and you're seeing your kids milk go down the drain because these guys are
chopping down your coca fields, you get angry. And so you get a huge amount of
tension and conflict that emerges as a result of these operations. As tensions
rise, violence inevitably occurs.


Peru

There is a different twist on U.S. drug policy in Peru. The U.S. is supporting
the Peruvian intelligence services, SIN, which is the political police force
of Peru, the country's KGB in a sense. They are run by a very shadowy figure
named Vladimiro Montesinos who was literally kicked out of the Peruvian army
for being a double agent spying for both the CIA and the KGB at the same time.
After getting out of jail, he reemerged when Fujimori took office in 1990 as
the president's right-hand man and top national security advisor. He is the de
facto head of SIN and still rumored to be on the CIA payroll, but nobody knows
for sure.

In the early 1990's, SIN was the operating base for a number of death squads
which were responsible for some of the worst human rights violations that
occurred in Peru at that time. One Peruvian journalist has documented that the
anti-drug unit of SIN, which was receiving CIA assistance at the time, was in
fact engaged in death squad activity. And as the situation in Peru has
evolved, SIN has conducted widespread intimidation and harassment campaigns
against anyone who is opposed to Fujimori. They're responsible for the
setbacks to democratic institutions that we've seen over the last decade,
including the decimation of the judiciary and the Peruvian Congress, as well
as orchestrating Fujimori's election to office.

So who are we giving antinarcotics assistance to? SIN. The U.S. government
claims that they are the Peruvian government's point agency in the war on
drugs, and therefore the U.S. has to assist them. There have been continual
allegations of Montesinos' personal ties to drug traffickers over the last ten
years, but every time those allegations surface the government quickly puts
the lid on and doesn't allow them to go any further. The U.S. has basically
supported that position by never once calling for an investigation into the
repeated allegations of corruption either by Montesinos or SIN.


Colombia

In Colombia counternarcotics and counterinsurgency have become inextricably
intertwined. For many years, the U.S. government refused to acknowledge that
there was anything going on in Colombia besides the drug war. And everybody
else at Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), Institute for Policy
Studies, and other NGOs and activist groups were saying, "Wait a minute.
Colombia has incredibly high levels of political violence. 3,000 people are
being killed a year. You have this horrible paramilitary phenomenon. There is
more to Colombia than just fighting the drug war."

Over the last couple of years the U.S. has broadened its vision and realized
that there is a civil war going on that deserves attention. Now there is a
convergence of interests between the drug warriors who still want to fight the
drug war and the national security apparatus, which now wants to fight the
guerilla war, because they're concerned about Colombia's violence and
instability spilling over into neighboring countries. These two sectors of
policymakers in Washington have united in the call for more resources for
fighting the narco-guerilla war in Colombia. They combined the guerilla threat
with the drug trafficking threat and turned it into one war. As a result, the
U.S. has dramatically increased both the precedence and the kind of assistance
it's providing to Colombia.

In Colombia you don't just have the traditional human rights problem, where
the bulk of the violations are carried out by right-wing paramilitary groups,
bankrolled and trained by drug traffickers, which is how they became armies.
Instead you have the added problem where these paramilitary groups have been
operating over the last twenty years very closely in collaboration with
sectors of the Colombian armed forces. There is a very close connection
between human rights abuses perpetrated by the paramilitary groups in
compliance with elements of the armed forces.

You hear a lot in Washington about how only 5% of the human rights abuses in
Colombia are committed by the military. And that's true. But 70% are committed
by their allies, the right-wing paramilitary groups. We are currently giving
nearly $300 million to the Colombian Security Forces. This is in an era of
tremendous budget cutting, when development assistance to Latin America is
$270 million, and yet we're giving more than that just to Colombia for its
military forces to combat narcotics.

The U.S. military is presently training and equipping a 1000-man
counternarcotics battalion within the Colombian army with the expressed
purpose of protecting the counternarcotics police against the insurgence. U.S.
officials are not even trying to pretend that these guys will be involved in
counternarcotics activities; they're saying that it's specifically set up to
combat the guerillas in order to allow antinarcotics efforts to go forward.
Much of this is oriented around the aerial fumigation of coca plants,
precisely at a time when the United States should be using its political
leverage in Colombia to promote respect for human rights, to dismantle
paramilitary groups, and to most importantly support what was until recently a
move towards a peace process.

Peace talks were put on hold for a couple of more weeks, but still an
incipient peace process appears to be under way in Colombia. But instead of
promoting this, the U.S. seems only interested in strengthening the hand of
the military, which is only going to lead to more violent deaths. I had the
opportunity to meet with five Colombian generals at once last January. I was
actually shocked at some of the things these different generals, all of whom
had held regional command positions, said in regard to their present
operations in Colombia. One of the things they emphasized repeatedly was, "We
have no intention of going forward with any kind of peace process in Colombia.
We're getting ready for the war! And the U.S. is helping us do that and we're
just waiting for these talks to fail and then we'll be ready to go."

The other big problem is that we are dumping tons of chemical herbicides on
rainforest in Colombia where coca is being grown. Now some people would say,
"If coca is being grown there, the land is already being degraded anyway." But
the herbicides are, one, contaminating the environment--these are herbicides
that are not to be used in areas of extensive river networks, which is what
you have in the jungle--and two, causing people go deeper into the jungle to
grow more coca. So the more we spray, the worse the toxic contamination and
greater the deforestation.

I think it's incredibly ironic and tragic that in the one country in the
hemisphere where the U.S. has a significant aerial eradication program going
forward, coca production has increased by more than 50% since that program was
launched. Now in Peru and Bolivia, where you don't have aerial fumigation,
coca production has actually declined. Some would think there was a problem
with the analysis here, but no, Washington's response is send more
helicopters, more chemicals, to get that coca.

Coletta Youngers is a Senior Associate at the Washington Office on Latin
America and author of the FPIF Special Report, "U.S. Policy in Latin America,
Problems, Opportunities, Recommendations," available at
http://www.zianet.com/irc1/bulletin/bull53/index.html
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

*** FURTHER LOOK AT THE CIA-CONTRA-COCAINE CONNECTION ***

(Ed note: The following is the introduction and summary of findings from a new
report, "The Official Story: What the Government Has Admitted About CIA Ties
to Drug Traffickers," being issued by IPS' Drug Policy Project.

The complete report summaries and analyzes investigations by both the CIA and
Justice Department (three volumes of which have been released) into
allegations of CIA ties to drug traffickers. FPIF Co-Director Martha Honey
wrote the introduction and Peter Dale Scott, professor emeritus at the
University of California at Berkeley, who has written extensively on the
CIA-contra-cocaine connection, wrote the report. The full report is available
from IPS for $3.00. Please email the project director, Sanho Tree, at
[EMAIL PROTECTED] or write to Drug Policy Project, IPS, 733 15th St. NW, suite
1020, Washington, DC 20005.)


Introduction
By Martha Honey

In August 1996, investigative reporter Gary Webb published a three part series
in the San Jose Mercury News alleging connections between the CIA, the
Contras, cocaine traffickers, and the emergence of the crack epidemic in Los
Angeles in the early 1980s. In the firestorm of controversy that followed
publication of the Dark Alliance series, the Inspector Generals of the CIA
(Frederick Hitz) and of the Justice Department (Michael Bromwich) were ordered
to conduct internal investigations into the specific allegations as well as
the broader issue of CIA ties to Latin American drug traffickers in the
1980s.

Then-CIA Director John Deutch pledged at a South Central Los Angeles town
meeting November 15, 1996 that the Inspector Generals' findings would be open,
stating: "anyone in the public who has a wish to look at the report will be
able to do so.... the results will be made public. And finally, if any
wrongdoing is discovered, we will pursue it, and those responsible will be
brought to justice." (Transcript of meeting)

This never happened. When, after several delays, the reports were
released--two volumes by the CIA in January 1998 and October 1998 and one
volume from the Justice Department released in December 1997--they were the
declassified versions only. Little has been learned of what information was
withheld under the broad category of "national security."

The release of the three declassified volumes followed similar patterns: they
were made public with little fanfare, often on busy news days, and with press
releases and executive summaries that downplayed their content and insisted
that little to none of the Dark Alliance series was proven. As Inspector
General Hitz told the House Intelligence Committee in March 1998, CIA
investigators "found no evidence...of any conspiracy by CIA or its employees
to bring drugs into the United States." Similarly, in the Executive Summary of
the Justice Department's report, IG Bromwich wrote, "our review did not
substantiate the main allegations stated and implied in the Mercury News
articles.... Moreover, the implication that the drug trafficking by the
individual in the Mercury News articles was connected to the CIA was also not
supported by the facts." (Justice, p. 3,4)

Most of the major press either ignored the reports altogether or based their
stories primarily on the CIA and Justice press releases and wrote that the
agencies had been exonerated of wrong-doing.

In addition, these voluminous and complex reports are not presented in a
straight-forward manner that would make them easily understood. Rather, the
litany of evidence is laid out in snippets of internal memos, field
communications, and interviews with CIA personnel. Most of the leads were
never followed up and often they are accompanied by unsubstantiated denials or
convoluted rationales intended to discredit or minimize their importance. In
addition, a number of prominent drug traffickers who assisted the Contras are
not fully discussed or are discussed only in passing in these reports. This
includes Panamanian military leader Manual Noriega who, for unexplained
reasons, was not among those surveyed in the CIA's second report, which was
intended to cover "any alleged drug-trafficking by the Contras and persons or
organizations who supported the Contra program in the 1980s." (CIA/2, para 5)


Also given little or no mention are other major Contra-connected traffickers
such as Honduran General Jose Bueso Rosa, Salvadoran General Juan Rafael
Bustillo, Mexican Miguel Felix Gallardo, Cuban money launderer Ramon Milian
Rodriguez, pilot Marcos Aguado, arms buyer Sebastian Gonzales, or cartel
kingpin Carlos Lehrer; nor is there a systematic examination of drug
corruption involving the Honduran and Panamanian militaries. In addition, key
CIA and National Security Council figures in the Contra war were omitted,
including Duane Clarridge, Joseph Fernandez, and Oliver North.

The CIA reports, in particular, reflect and sometimes intensify the CIA's
traditional bias: to deflect attention away from the drug activities of the
Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN), the CIA's preferred Contra faction. The
official campaign to discredit the independent-minded Contra leader Eden
Pastora intensified after 1984 when, for other reasons, the CIA broke with
him. (CIA/2, para 241)

The Inspector Generals' methodology was also flawed. Inspector General Hitz's
method was to go back into CIA files and to interview CIA officers, even
though both have in the past covered up Agency links to drug traffickers and
money launderers. Allegations remain just that, "allegations," when only a
little checking with the public record would have shown them to be true. In
general, the CIA reports prove the inadequacy, falsity, and occasional perjury
of earlier CIA official statements about Contra connection to
drug-trafficking. All of this illustrates the severe limitations of the CIA
reports as a vehicle for truth.

Despite these road blocks to public understanding, the picture that emerges
from the CIA and Justice Department reports is clear: the CIA's contra
operations were riddled with ties to drug traffickers, far more extensive than
the Norwin Meneses-Danilo Blandon network described in Gary Webb's Dark
Alliance series. The evidence indicates that all Contra factions and scores of
persons on the U.S. government payroll, including many top level Contra
leaders, were involved with drug trafficking. The evidence presented in these
volumes undercuts the repeated efforts by CIA, National Security Council, and
other government officials overseeing the Contra war to minimize the extent of
drug trafficking and blame it on rogue elements or rebel commanders such as
Eden Pastora, who had fallen from favor. The reports document that the CIA
itself was contracting with and covering up for major drug traffickers.

Much of this has already been revealed in press reports dating back to the
mid-1980s, in more than a dozen books on the Contra war, and in government
documents, reports, and hearings--most importantly the December 1988 Senate
Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations report,
Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy (popularly known as the Kerry
Report, after its Chair, Massachusetts Senator John Kerry). None of these
earlier findings led to any official action against those on the government
payroll who were involved in, covered up for, or simply ignored the links
between drug traffickers, money launderers, and a major covert military
operation. Instead, it has been the poor at both ends of the cocaine network:
the peasant growers in the coca fields of Latin America and inner city youths
of color, who have been the primary targets of the war on drugs. The evidence
contained in three reports, as summarized below, should form the basis for
new, substantial, well-funded, and independent congressional hearings into th

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