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STRATFOR's
Global Intelligence Update
Weekly Analysis July 26, 1999

China, Falun Gong and the Politics of Economic Depression

Summary:

China has become obsessed with a couple million middle-aged members
of a group that does a lot of strange exercises and whose leader
lives in New York.  Sensible people - like those at the New York
Times - can't understand why the Chinese government cares about
Falun Gong when there are so many serious economic problems to
worry about.  That's a good point, since China is in deepening
economic depression (for our latest read on Asia's economy, see
http://www.stratfor.com/asia/specialreports/special34.htm )  The
reason China is so concerned is because the Chinese know that there
is no solution to their economic problems.  Therefore, they are
bracing for the social and political consequences of long-term
economic failure.  Beijing understands that in times of misery,
seemingly harmless groups can suddenly challenge the regime.  The
crackdown on Falun Gong expresses Beijing's deep-seated insecurity.
If China's economy can't recover, can the regime survive?
President Jiang Zemin intends to do whatever is necessary to make
certain it can.

Analysis:

The Chinese government has mounted a massive public attack on the
Falun Gong, a quasi-religious group that is reported to involve
large numbers of middle- aged people doing to strange exercises.
To outsiders, Beijing's obsession with this group appears strange
and even bizarre.  The New York Times, for example, ran an article
today pointing out that with China's economy in deep trouble, there
are much more important things to worry about than strange cults.
What the Times and other observers fail to understand is that
Beijing is obsessed with Falun Gong precisely because it cannot get
control of the economy.  Beijing knows full well that the economy
is in trouble.  It also knows that there is little it can do about
it.  Therefore, Beijing is bracing for the inevitable social
consequences of economic depression, an extreme condition under
which even innocuous cults can quickly get out of hand.

In our view, the internal dynamic of China resembles that of
Indonesia more than it does Japan.  Although Japan and Indonesia
both suffered from similar economic defects, there was real social
and political difference between the two countries. Japan's economy
was obviously much more developed than Indonesia's, but the more
significant difference was that Japan itself was much more socially
integrated and stable.  It could absorb the consequences of
economic failure without being torn apart by social and political
tensions.  Indonesia, quite apart from its level of economic
development, lacked the social integration needed to handle bad
times.  Thus, the consequences of economic failure had immediate
and severe social and political consequences in Indonesia,
consequences that could be contained for a longer period of time in
Japan.

China is politically integrated.  It is not socially integrated.
It has ethnic, religious, class and regional tensions that Beijing
was able to paper over during economic good times.  When the
economy contracts and the task becomes the distribution of scarcity
rather than the management of prosperity, these forces emerge and
the state has to struggle to contain them.  Now, Beijing is much
stronger the Jakarta and has more political tools at its disposal
than the Indonesian government had.  Nevertheless, it is nowhere
near as stable as Japan.  China, in the end, is a country with more
than a century of experience in revolution and social upheaval.
Beijing is exquisitely aware of its vulnerabilities.  It is also
aware that seemingly nonpolitical movements that do not owe their
primary loyalties to the regime can rapidly be transformed into
political challenges.  At a time when Beijing is dealing with the
social consequences of economic decline, the Falun Gong is one of
dozens of challenges that China will take seriously.

Why is Beijing concerned with Falun Gong when it has more serious
economic problems to worry about?  The answer is simple.  China
does not have the ability to do anything about its economic
problems without worsening its social problems.  Therefore, since
it regards its economic problems as a given, it is focusing on the
dimension that it can do something about: the socio-political
consequences of economic decline.  China is dealing with the
problem that is both important and manageable.  It is not dealing
with the problems that are unmanageable.  In that sense, the Falun
Gong episode is completely understandable.

The key to all of this is understanding that (a) China's economy is
in deepening trouble and that (b) this trouble could lead to
massive domestic instability.  This could range from massive
government repression designed to control centrifugal tendencies,
to a collapse of central authority and a return to the condition of
China at the turn of the century.  This is a view we have held for
quite awhile.  As we said In our 1999 annual forecast
[http://www.stratfor.com/services/giu/1999.asp]:

* Asian economies will not recover in 1999. Japan will see further
deterioration. So will China. Singapore and South Korea will show
the strongest tendency toward recovery.

* China will try to contain discontent over economic policies by
increasing repression not only on dissidents but also on the urban
unemployed and unhappy small-business people. Tensions will rise.

Our first prediction appears to be coming true. (For our latest
views on Asia's economic development, see today's Special Report at
[include AIU's URL].  There are ways to recover from this.  The two
prices that have to be paid are time and pain.  The structural
problems of all Asian economies, but particularly China's, which
suffers from the twin problems of Stalinism and Japanism, will take
time to be solved.  The solution will involve pain.  It will
involve closing inefficient government enterprises, bankrupting
inefficient public enterprises, slashing production in inefficient
factories, containing consumption in favor of capital formation.
All of this requires massive social dislocation that will take
decades to work out.  Beijing is painfully aware of this.  What it
is unsure about is whether or not it has the political means to
carry out this restructuring.

Mao gave China two mutually supporting strategies.  He gave China a
centralized regime by institutionalizing the centrifugal forces
within the Communist Party.  Mao understood that China's diffuse
society inherently generated social disruption.  He co-opted that
disruption on behalf of the regime.  In the Great Leap Forward and
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Mao preempted the
revolutionary and centrifugal tendencies that had dominated China
since the 19th century and even before.  He understood that Chinese
modernization could not proceed without social disruption, so he
made the regime the instrument and beneficiary of social
disruption.  It was a brilliant move.

That move was supported by another Maoist strategy.  Mao sealed
China off from the rest of the world. This was critical.  From the
19th century onward, internal Chinese conflict was exploited by
foreign nations for their own economic and geopolitical ends.  Mao
understood that Beijing could not contain the disruptive forces it
had created in the face of outside interference.  The main source
of that interference would come from foreign investors and
importers who sought to manipulate conflict in order to secure
their own interests.  The very fact that China depended on
investment and trade made China vulnerable.  Therefore, Mao sealed
off China from both investment and trade, accepting the economic
price in order to maintain political stability.

Deng reversed Mao's strategy based on two presumptions.  The first
was that the regime could, after a generation of centralized
government, contain social disruption so long as foreign investment
and trade resulted in economic development.  Second, Deng's view
was that since China's geopolitical needs had already created a
dependency on the United States, it had become vulnerable without
enjoying the full benefits of vulnerability.  If China was already
geopolitically integrated with the global system, he felt it had
better be economically integrated as well.  Indeed, since
U.S.-Chinese geopolitical dependence was mutual, it followed that
China had levers with which to control U.S. exploitation of Chinese
vulnerability.

We are now a generation after Deng's reversal of Mao.  Two massive
shifts have taken place.  First, the early, easy part of economic
development is behind China.  What follows is the hard part, made
harder still by the economic development model followed by Beijing.
Second, the geopolitical principle that led Deng to his
conclusions, namely that China and the United States were
geopolitically dependent anyway, no longer follows.  With the
collapse of the Soviet Union, the underlying force tying the U.S.
and China are gone.  With the Chinese economy in a massive
depression, the economic interests of the West remain, and are in
fact motivated to manipulate the situation inside China, to
preserve their investment.

China sees itself, properly, as having passed beyond Deng's world.
It also sees itself as terribly vulnerable to Western manipulation
of internal social tensions that arise from depression.  They see
that the West, and the United States in particular, has invested
billions in China.  With that level of exposure, the West is
inevitably motivated to intrude in China's internal affairs in
order to protect its investments. That is precisely why Mao sealed
off China's economy. China fears that, given the concentration of
investment in the coastal region, the United States in particular
might encourage regional interests inside the party and the army as
well as outside, to seek greater autonomy from Beijing.  Since
Beijing must transfer assets from the wealthier parts of the
country to the poorer parts in order to shore up its power base
among the poor, Beijing fears that elements in the coastal regions
opposed to this policy will be particularly open to accommodation
with outside investors.  This would be an old story in China's
history, and one that Beijing does not intend to see repeated.

The Chinese reaction to Kosovo was conditioned to a great extent by
Chinese opposition to anything that would allow the United States
to intrude on a sovereign state on behalf of a regional entity.
China is extremely suspicious of the United States on three
regional issues: Tibet, Xinjiang and Taiwan.  It sees the United
States as trying to disrupt China's integrity for economic reasons.
The common denominator is that the United States is using issues
like human rights to increase its control over the evolution of
events in China.  Falun Gong, whose leader Li Hongzhi lives in New
York, is seen as part of this strategy.  Looked at this way,
China's response on all of these issues is completely coherent.
Falun Gong is part of a general U.S. strategy to weaken Beijing and
destabilize China.  In today's meetings with Madeleine Albright,
Beijing indicated to the United States the intensity with which it
will respond to any U.S. meddling, whether through New York-based
gurus or Taiwanese declarations of statehood.

China's problem is this.  Communism as an ideology is as dead as
the Druids.  The institutions created by communism (party, army,
security apparatus, state industries, planning apparatus) continue
to exist, but no one any longer takes the ideology itself
seriously.  Deng's justification for the regime was that it
delivered economic growth.  As with Suharto, this was a
justification that did not require much discussion, so long as the
growth was happening.  Jiang's problem is that he does not have
either a gripping ideology or economic growth to sustain him.   He
cannot seal China off from the world as Mao did, nor can he compete
in that world as Deng did.  At this moment, Beijing simply cannot
justify itself and Jiang knows it.

Jiang is relying on the brute force and presence of the regime to
maintain authority.  His ultimate claim to power is that he
controls the instruments of power and that any resistance will be
crushed.  Having lost both the ideological and the pragmatic
arguments, Jiang can only win by crushing those who disagree with
him.  Jiang must create a sense of dread inside China, on an
ongoing basis, in order to forestall challenges to his regime.  It
also helps to create a sense of embattlement.  This is why a
confrontation with the United States is such a good idea right now.
It allows Jiang to use the Maoist anti-imperial tradition because
he can portray himself as protecting China from U.S. intrusions.
If he can portray Falun Gong, Tibet, Xinjiang and Taiwan as part of
a coherent U.S. strategy, he can at least adopt the mantle of
nationalism. Having achieved that, he might even be able to portray
China's economic woes as the result of U.S. actions.

Here is his problem.  Nationalism only goes so far in a China that
has always consisted of multiple entities occasionally joined by a
single state.  Mao was very astute in driving negative visions - he
pushed distilled anti-imperialism rather than try to make the case
for Chinese nationalism.  In fact, during the Cultural Revolution
Mao attacked the national heritage of China.  Nationalism will fly
only so far in China.

The Chinese regime is in big trouble.  Unable to move its economy
forward, sinking deeper into the morass, Beijing is terribly afraid
that China's half-century experiment in centralization will
collapse and China will return to the chaos and victimization that
preceded the Communists.  The regime is frightened and it should
be.  Therefore, its behavior toward Falun Gong is not at all
bizarre.  It makes perfect sense, if you understand how much
trouble China is in.  If, like most observers, your view is that
China has serious problems but that these will soon go away, you
will have trouble understanding Beijing's actions on this and many
other subjects.  However, in our view, Beijing understands China
very well.  As a result, it is terribly frightened.  As with the
Soviet Union in 1989, the very integrity of Chinese social and
geographic fabric is in the balance.  Jiang does not intend to be
China's Gorbachev.  He understands that liberalization is
impossible when the economy is going south.  Jiang will ruthlessly
crush any movement that moves the system toward liberalization,
especially if its leader lives in the United States.

But here is the problem: an ideologically bankrupt regime that has
led a country into depression with little hope of recovery cannot
call for its people's blood, sweat and tears and expect to get
them.  Without a carrot, it at least needs a stick.  The stick, in
this case, is party members and the military.  Unfortunately, many
members of both are as disappointed in the way that things have
worked out as is the rest of the population.  As it dawns on
everyone that China's depression is not a passing event, the
effects become more and more profound.  With outside nations having
billions of dollars at stake and needing to protect investments, a
very old story is unfolding in China.  Jiang is trying to stop that
story in its tracks.  It will not be easy.
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