-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
The Treason of the Senate
David Graham Phillips
academic reprints
p.o. box 3003
Stanford, California
Cosmopolitian Magazine
Vol. XL - March, 1906 - No.5
--[8]---
CHAPTER VIll
Thrifty Patriot Allison
IN Allison of Iowa the Republican-Democratic "merger" for betraying the
people to "the interests" has about its craftiest senatorial agent. If he
were a man of courage and decision, and if he "represented" a Rhode Island
whose senators could flout its public opinion, not Aldrich but Allison would
be the leader of the "merger." His skill at duplicity needs no other tribute
than the fact that, despite an unbroken record of forty-three years of
betrayal of the people to "the interests," especially the people of his own
state, he has been a senator continuously for thirtythree years. How
politically careless have we been, how short-memoried, how credulous of words
and neglectful of deeds, how easily tricked by cunning appeals to prejudice!
We have been struggling with the great thieves operating through railways and
tariffs, and have not seen that it was the Senate that determined our
national laws, superintended the distribution of our prosperity, and selected
our national judges. We have been defeated because we have not realized that
it was our Allisons and Aldriches and Lodges and Baileys in faraway
Washington, in the Senate, who were making our struggles futile-were making,
and are.
Allison's public beginnings were in 1[863, when he, a poor Dubuque lawyer of
thirtyfour, was sent to the House because about all the best young men of
that then sparsely populated state were at the war. He found Congress, which
the people thought absorbed in patriotic labor, really possessed by and busy
for the great graft-seekers through war contracts and Union Pacific and other
Western enterprises in vast land and franchise looting. Like him who
journeyed from Dan to Beersheba, young Allison had fallen among thieves. But
they did not despoil and despitefully use him; they made friends with him.
Like latter-day Joe Bailey, he was poor; but, unlike Joe, he did not have to
wait until he was a senator before he suddenly struck "pay-dirt" in quantity.
To go into that part of his career in detail would be to retell the
stupendous graft story of the Union Pacific Credit Mobilier, etc.; Allison
was more or less active in and for all of those huge "loans" and land grabs
which cost the people and netted "the interests" thousands of millions,
besides licenses in perpetuity to extort rents and exorbitant freight rates,
He was hand in glove with the chief "developers of the resources of the
country"�with John I. Blair, Morris K. Jesup, Jim Fisk, L. B. Crocker, Oakes
Ames, and the rest.
One typical instance: It came out in 1873 that our poor young patriot had
been for some time owner of at least sixty thousand dollars of Dubuque and
Sioux City stock; that he got it soon after his debut at Washington, along
about 1867, when with his aid the road got the valuable favor of a
Congressional act saving it from the just forfeiture of its charter (act of
March 2, 1867). Before the Congressional (Wilson) investigation committee,
compelled by the public scandal over the many vast and open robberies with
Congressional aid, they asked Allison on February 1, 1873, what his interest
was, and when and how he acquired it. Here is his reply:
"I cannot state when I acquired it, nor can I state precisely what it was. My
impression is that it was fifty or sixty thousand dollars originally that I
subscribed to the construction company. I think it was sixty thousand
dollars.''
And with this answer, so candid, so obviously truthful, the kindly committee
let him off. But John I. Blair, the chief of the gang, testifying on February
7, 1873, shed a little light on where our poor young patriot and public
servant got the trifle of "fifty or sixty thousand dollars" which made such a
vague impression on his memory:
"Q. Do you know who furnished the money for Mr. Allison?
"A. No, sir, I do not. I am under the impression it was a gentleman from New
York or Boston. I think it was a banker in New York."
The Sioux City and Pacific Grab
How strangely these habitually cautious financiers become hypnotized into
prodi-gality to our poor but virtuous young statesmen, our Allisons and
Baileys! But let us hasten over his long record to pause for a moment upon
his connection with the Sioux City and Pacific grab. Allison, Jesup, Blair,
and Crocker were among the incorporators; Allison was a member of the House,
and most active when, on July 2, 1864, the road got life, franchise, an
eventual loan of $4,200,000, and huge grants of fine public lands. It picked
up many millions more in lands and terminal sites as gifts from Iowa and
Nebraska counties and cities. Expert testimony before the Pacific Railroads
Commission gave the total cost of construction as not more than $2,600,000,
the cost of honest construction as about $1,000,000. Yet the Allison-Jesup
company reported the cost as $49,865 a mile or just over $5,000,000! A nice
"profit," and this exclusive of land and other loot and the road only one
hundred and one miles long! No wonder our patriot Allisons and our
philanthropist Jesups became multimillionaires. Allison is now credited with
being the richest man in Iowa.
The final chapter of this typical Allison instance, typical also of the
origin of our statesmen and plutocrats, was written in 1900�only six years
ago�when, on June 2d, Allison, "merger" senator, pressed a local bill" the
effect of which was to let the Sioux City and Pacific looters off with a
payment of less than one-tenth of the people's cash loan of $4,200,000 with
thirty-odd years' interest. Senator Harris of Kansas exposed the grab,
recited the many scandals concerning that one small road, and demonstrated
that the road was not poor but rich. But the "merger" lined up�Aldrich,
Allison, Cullom, Foraker, Elkins, Frye, Lodge, and the rest, to the necessary
number�and passed Allison's "local bill."
Another instance of his patriotism, taken at random from a multitude: Nine
years ago Congress authorized the creation of forest reservations. It is not
often, as we have seen, that any measure for the public good, aside from the
absolutely necessary routine measures, gets a chance in the Congress of
Aldrich and Joe Cannon. Invariably, such a measure is passed because the
anger of the people forbids longer denial or because it has been charged with
"jokers" which mean graft for "the interests"�and usually the measure
compelled by public sentiment is not passed until it is juggled into
harmlessness and stuffed with steals. The main graft "joker"�in "practical
politics" this kind of treason goes by the name of "joker"�the main graft
"joker" in the forest-reservations bill was put into it in conference
committee by Allison and Cannon, leading respectively the Senate and the
House conferees. The original bill provided in simple justice that a
homesteader whose lands were taken for forest reserve could change them for
equally good land elsewhere in the public domain. Patriots Allison and Cannon
slipped in, after "homesteader," these four innocent-looking words, "or any
other claimant." Not until 1900, not until the robber railway barons had
exchanged millions of acres of desert and of denuded timber lands, of snowy
peaks and rocky slopes, for millions of acres of the best remaining homestead
lands in the public domain, did it come out -through the "unmerged" and
therefore soon retired Senator Pettigrew's vigilancewhat Allison and Cannon
had done for their friends, "the interests," and against their country. Mr.
Pettigrew, on May 31, 1900, called attention to the steal; the Senate
virtuously passed his amendment.
The amendment went to conference in charge of Allison and Hale; it emerged so
altered that the stealing could go on. Pettigrew saw what had been done. Here
is an extract from the record:
"PETTIGREW: I should like to ask the chairman of the committee on
appropriations (Allison) if the secretary of the interior did not think the
law should be entirely repealed?
"ALLISON: The secretary did.
"PETTIGREW: Did he not think there were great frauds being practiced under it?
"ALLISON: I have no doubt that is all true, but that is a subject we cannot
deal with now."
Obviously not. How could a "Merged" Senate find time to interfere in behalf
of the people and the country, when interference would cut off rich plunder
from "the interests"? Not until last year, when "the interests" had grabbed
all possible loot, did Congress find time to repeal the loot clause. Such
traitorous doings as this, taken with senatorial license to the controllers
of railways to rob through extortionate and unequal rates, explain why the
farm mortgages of the West increase, why we year by year lose more and more
of our best farming population to Canada.
Backed by the Big Looters
The Senate seat which Allison has held for thirty-three years was got for him
by the big looters of and through railroads. They sought, in 1872, to elect
Allison; by the use of money, by corruption so flagrant that it is still
remembered, they succeeded. Allison has since maintained himself, not indeed
with the people but with the legislature, by federal patronage, by attaching
to himself all Iowans active in politics; and "the interests," by the use of
passes and advertising contracts, have seen to it that even the opposition
press dealt gently with their handy man. Said Republican Editor F. W. Faulkes
of the stanchly Republican "Cedar Rapids Gazette," in an interview in the
"Kansas City Star," on January 18, 1890:
"Mr. Allison does not now represent and never has represented the interests
of Iowa or of the West; he has stood as the special champion of . . . the
elements and measures that have permitted, induced, and aided the
inauguration and upbuilding of the trusts, combines, and commercial
conspiracies which have been plundering the producers of the country. . . . I
was secretary of the Republican state committee in 1883 when Allison was a
candidate. He had rooms near the committee rooms, and he had agents to give
out money to be used in helping to elect Republican candidates for the
legislature. Some of those, if not all, so helped, voted for Allison. The
same thing will be done again this winter."
But fully as valuable to him as his railroad backing and the direct use of
money as described above have been his skill and power as a place and "pork"
securer. No man, not Lodge even, has proportionately so many heelers and
henchmen upon the federal pay-roll. And, as chairman of the Senate committee
on appropriations, he is the custodian of -the federal "pork barrel." This
"pork barrel" is the "merger's" great instrument for keeping senators and
representatives docile to "the party," which we have learned means "the
interests" behind the Aldrich-Bailey "merger." Those who offend the "merger"
by voting or speaking against its measures without permission, get upon
Aldrich's black list and get no "pork"and "pork" means to the politician
power in the machine. The business of the Senate appropriations committee is
to see to it that the federal appropriations-now nearly a billion a year-are
distributed as far as possible for the benefit of friends and agents of "the
interests," are distributed among those loyal to "the party" and withheld
from the "disloyal." Using the people's money to punish their friends and to
reward traitors and those acquiescent in treason! While appropriation bills
originate in the House, they take final shape in the Senate. Thus Allison,
under Aldrich and the "merger," has all but absolute control over the
popularity or unpopularity of senators and representatives with their
constituents and with the heelers and backers of the local machines
throughout the country. Making an appropriation bill "safe and sane" is,
therefore, a delicate, difficult task; no other senator works so hard as does
Allison.
This is the power that chiefly enables "Uncle Joe" Cannon and Lieutenant
Williams, to keep the House "in order." Halfway through his brief two years'
term, a congressman must stand for renomination and reelection. He has no
chance to build himself up in a manly way; he can't even speak without Uncle
Joe's permission. And if he has antagonized the "merger" his failure as a
place and "pork" getter usually ends him. If he by chance is renominated,
where is he to find campaign funds, when the "merger," which has those funds,
will have none of him? Is it strange that Uncle Joe rules the Republican
majority and Lieutenant John Sharp Williams the Democratic minority with such
ease? Superb "party discipline"! And Aldrich's chief disciplinarian is
Chairman Allison. We begin to understand now how it has come about that the
machinery of our two political parties has passed under the control of two
harmonious, intimate agents of "the interests"�Aldrich and Bailey's friend,
Ryan.
Allison's typical "merger "-senator record, in all its thirty-three
industrious years -years that have seen his private pocket fill with stealthy
millions�contains, so far as diligent search has disclosed, not an instance
of service of the people, except, of course, lip-service. To recite here any
large part of his acts for "the interests" and against the people and the
nation would be impossible and useless. We already have cut enough samples
from the cloth to show that its pattern is uniform. Let us stop with one more
illustration�this from his record as a loot-securer for "the interests "by
abuse of tariff legislation. When the Dingley tariff bill of 1897 came up to
the Senate for "perfecting," it fixed the duty on white-pine lumber at the
old McKinley bill rate of one dollar the thousand feet. In conference,
Aldrich, Allison, and ones of Arkansas being the Senate conferees, the duty
was raised to two dollars the thousand feet. When this was reported from
committee on July 20th Senators Vest and Teller pointed out that the duty of
one dollar had absolutely barred foreign lumber; that therefore the extra
dollar was a frank present to the lumber barons, the great thieves who had
stolen public lands and were stripping them of trees. Senator Pettigrew
quoted from the "Northwestern Lumberman" of February 27, 1897, an account of
a meeting of lumber barons in the Senate committee room of that mighty
Michigan lumber baron Blodgett's protege, Senator Burrows of Michigan. One
had an-envelope and a lead pencil. Said the "Northwestern Lumberman":
"He walked around the room and ciphered out a little bit, and he said, 'Mr.
Burrows, do you know what one dollar a thousand feet would mean to this
little crowd of men here? $6,125,000 on last year's product.' "
But the "merger" voted the steal-and more than four hundred other steals, in
the same bill, of equal and of greater magnitude and of like treachery to the
people. Were not Aldrich and Allison in charge for "the interests"? Of what
avail the few unmerged senators, Democrats and Republicans, against the
"merger" in control of the machines of both parties and of the campaign funds
and the patronage -the "oil" and the "pork" which enable those machines to
live?
Allison, we find, is like the rest of the leaders of the Senate-like Aldrich
and Bailey, like Lodge and Spooner and Foraker, like Elkins and Knox and
Craneagainst the people, for "the interests." His misdeeds are not of the
long ago or the result of ignorance of public questions and moral
responsibilities, but are the deliberate habit of a lifetime, as are the
misdeeds of all those senators with whom "the interests" have filled the
Senate. Let us pass to the minor leaders, and then, to the rank and file of
the Senate-the men who follow Aldrich and Cannon, Bailey and Williams, and by
vote make valid the decisions of "the interests" as to party policy, as to
legislation, as to suppressing legislation. A crucial fact or so about each
will be sufficient. Of course they, all the senators, all our politicians,
have been patriotic in speech, have voted with their country on questions of
foreign affairs and on such insignificant home questions as did not affect
"the interests." The "merger" men use these questions to gain false repute as
patriots. But in this article, as in all the preceding articles, we deal only
with acts really important to the people, really significant of the character
of the public man.
How Cullom Serves the People
Cullom of Illinois has been in public life since 1856. As a state legislator,
as governor of Illinois, as representative, and as senator, he has now had
just hall a century of opportunity to serve the people. If he has ever served
them except in nonessentials, his record fails to show it. That record shows
throughout that, except in demagogic "wind-jamming," he has either held aloof
or has actively aided "the interests," usually in "shaping legislation" in
the secrecy of a committee, rarely by open speech, but always with his vote.
He was Elkins's predecessor in charge, for Aldrich and "the interests," of
the Senate interstate commerce committee. His great achievement was the
interstate commerce act of 1887, which goes by his name. That "Cullom act"
was the result of the first great exposure of the rascalities of high finance
and of the public demand that Congress cease to license and aid the rascals.
The Cullom act, passed with blare of virtuous triumph, was, as "unmerged"
senators pointed out, deliberately so written that the Supreme Court could
not but declare its main creation, the Interstate Commerce Commission,
powerless. The favorite trick of the "merger," where it has to "pander to
public sentiment," is to pass laws which the Supreme Court cannot but declare
invalid. On January 14, 1887, when the Cullom act was on its way to final
passage, Cullom in his most patriotically heartfelt manner said:
"It has been said over and over again that the railroad companies would build
up one man and crush another; that their policy has been to destroy one
locality or city and build up another. Here (in the Cullom bill) we have
undertaken so to regulate them as to prevent them from doing these things, so
far as we could do so."
There was nothing to prevent him and his fellow "mergered" in control of the
Senate from entirely doing away with the crimes of "the interests" through
railways -nothing to prevent it but "the interests" themselves. The
worthlessness of the Cullom act and its treachery to the people were
demonstrated within a year. Interstate Commerce Commissioner Prouty, a
Vermont Republican, well described it when he said:
"If the Interstate Commerce Commission were worth buying, the railroads would
try to buy it. The only reason they have not is that the body is valueless in
its ability to correct railroad abuses."
Yet for fifteen years this so-called law, this act of treason to the people,
protected and licensed "the interests" and was used by the traitor Senate as
a pretext for not interfering with wholesale rebating and the charging of
exorbitant rates.
Cullom prides himself upon his physical resemblance to�Abraham Lincoln!
Kean, Stone, And Nelson
Kean of New Jersey is a hugely rich man, rich by inheritance, richer through
his manipulations of his heritage. There was the Perth Amboy Water Company,
of which he was chief bondholder. The company had a contract from the city to
supply "pure and wholesome water" for ten years. It supplied water from an
unsanitary pool known as the "duck pond." And when it became a public scandal
Kean strove in the courts and lobbied in the legislature to compel the city
to buy him out.
Then there was the Elizabeth Gas-light Company, of which he was president and
controlling owner. It supplied poor gas at $2.50 the thousand feet. A
competitor
entered the field; Kean fought it in the legislature and in the courts,
wrecked it by reducing gas to seventy-five cents the thousand feet, bought it
in, and then put
the price of gas back at the old extortionate figure. These are typical of
his many vastly profitable and onerous petty monopolies. He went to the
Senate because, to quote Congressman Thomas Dunn English, "behind Kean at the
present day you find all the coal-carrying railways, because he is a heavy
stockholder in all of them, and as such is a beneficiary of the rise of
coal." His alliances, offensive to the people, beat him for governor in 1892;
but those same alliances, so popular always with legislatures, elected him
senator in 1899 and again last year. In the Senate he is openly with "the
interests"; he said frankly in last winter's struggle between the people and
their railway despoilers, "Like Senator Foraker, I am opposed to all
government rate-making." He is chairman of the committee on audit and control
of the contingent expenses of the Senate; that is, he arranges the
disbursements of the Senate's annual graft for mileage, perfume, razors,
chatelaine bags, etc., etc. It was he who let the convicted criminal, Burton,
draw many thousands of unearned dollars of the people's money by making
"constructive appearances" at the glass cloak-room doors of the Senate. As
the senators love their petty graft, some of the richest being among the
greediest, Kean's position carries with it a surprising amount of power for
the "merger"�as Aldrich well knew when he gave it to a "safe and sane" man.
Stone of Missouri is one of the Democratic or Bailey "bunch" in the "merger."
An ancient and experienced lobbyist, familiarly known as "Gum-shoe Bill," he
was made nationally famous when his fellow-lobbyist, Bill Phelps, said, "We
both suck eggs, but Stone he hides the shells." In 1899 he opposed the
assessment of the St. Louis street-railway companies at seven million dollars
as "overvaluation"; they now pay on twenty million dollars, thanks to the
great Folk reform wave. It was that wave which, soon after Stone's election
to the Senate in 1903, caused the exposure of his lobbying in 1901 for the
baking-powder trust, and how he disguised himself as the "Missouri PureFood
Society "-said society consisting of himself and two other men. Yet he said
to the legislative committee, "I appear before you at the request of the
Health Society of Missouri, composed of good people, both men and women,
living in different Parts of the state."
In the Senate Stone has done nothing beyond making a few famous buncombe
speeches. Like his fellow-Democrats of the "merger," now that their votes are
not needed by "the interests," he is helping to make cheap, showy "political
capital" wherever it can be done without exposing "the interests" to specific
criticism. Thus, when the people grow weary of the socalled Republican wing
of the "merger," the leaders of the so-called Democratic wing can cry: "Put
us in! We are real patriots! We voted against the steals! We will serve you!"
The result, or, rather, lack of result, from substituting one set of agents
of "the interests" for another set equally devoted was shown in 18921896 when
Bailey's predecessor, Gorman, was Aldrich's lieutenant in charge of the
so-called Democratic Senate.
Nelson of Minnesota. A most impressive figure personally; and in patriotic
speech as eloquent for people and country as Bailey or Spooner, and as
effective in his way on the stump as was Foraker until he was found out. He
is the foremost of the "Jim Hill bunch" of senators, the Jim Hill
contribution to "the interests"' secure majority of the Senate. He got his
seat from Hill (through Hill's legislature) in 1895, after a long public
career during which the people of Minnesota had loaded him with honors and he
had rewarded them by aiding their chief enemies, "the interests." As "the
interests" ask chiefly the preventing of legislation that would interfere
with them, the Nelsons have small difficulty in deceiving the people. All
they have to do is "stand pat" and oppose any proposed legislation as
"unconstitutional" or "unsafe 11 or "a cure worse than the disease," etc.,
etc. Nelson, a master of the "standpatter's" art, has as his greatest
individual service of treachery to the people since he became senator a trick
that was exposed recently in the "Northfield (Minn.) News." It will be
remembered that Mr. Roosevelt has uttered two sharp rebukes of judge Humphrey
for giving an "immunity bath" to the beeftrust rebaters, and, by implication,
to the Standard Oil, United States Steel, and other rebate assassins. If Mr.
Roosevelt had been less impetuous, if he had reflected on the text of judge
Humphrey's decision and on the law before speaking, he would have seen that
under the law the judge had no option. He would have denounced the treason of
the Senate, instead of the treason of the judiciary. The bill creating the
Department of Commerce and Labor emerged from conference committee on
February 9, 1903, with an amendment by Nelson, the crucial clause of which
was a provision that "all the requirements, obligations, liabilities, and
immunities imposed by" the just-passed Elkins amendment to the interstate
commerce act "shall also apply to all persons who may be subpoenaed to
testify as witnesses or to produce documentary evidence" before the
commissioner of corporations. That is, the devoted Nelson had slipped in a
clause changing the law to ferret out crime into a law to grant immunity to
criminals. Through Elkins, the "merger" gave a "bath" to the railway robbers;
through Nelson to the rest of the corporate criminals. Nor can Nelson and the
"merger" agents who voted the Nelson amendment onto the statute-books claim
that he and they were innocent. In the House debates on the amended bill,
before its final passage, the "Nelson amendment" was specifically exposed by
Representative Richardson on February 10, 1903; it was denounced by
Representative Adamson on the same day as "a delusion and a snare, a hollow
mockery, the meanest sham, the most contemptible fraud and false pretense."
That is, it was a typical it merger" measure �seeming to give the people what
they demanded, while really giving them nothing and giving "the interests" a
larger license. We shall have to return to Nelson when we examine the
fraudulent railwayrate bill passed last winter.
New Worker for the "Merger"
To know where stands Senator Clapp, Nelson's new colleague from Minnesota and
a Jim Hill lawyer, it is only necessary to read in the "Congressional Record"
how be concocted, with the approval of the "merger" Senate, an amendment to
the above-mentioned Elkins bill of January, 1903, to grant immunity baths to
criminal railway extortionists and to safeguard them against jail. The Elkins
bath was,
"The claim that any such testimony (before the Interstate Commerce
Commission) is evidence tending to criminate the person giving such evidence
shall not excuse such witness from testifying; but such evidence or testimony
shall not be used against such person on the trial of any criminal
proceeding."
That is, officers of corporations could get immunity, but it was not
absolutely clear that corporations themselves could. So forward came Clapp
for "the interests" and the "merger," and (Congressional Record, February 3,
1903) said, "We find that the immunity is not broad enough." Then he proposed
that
"No person or corporation shall be prosecuted or subjected to any penalty or
for feiture for or on account. of any transaction, matter, or thing
concerning which he or it may testify or produce evidence, documentary or
otherwise, in such proceeding."
The Senate promptly passed the full and free extra bath for its masters; but
the House did not dare go so frankly to such lengths, and the Elkins immunity
bath, equally good for all practical purposes, became a law. A law! And these
men lawmakers!
Last winter Congress, with a campaign record to make, and with Mr. Roosevelt
and the people clamoring, passed a bill introduced by Knox to make possible
official inquiries into crime without necessarily granting the Elkins-Nelson
immunity bath. But the object of the Elkins-Nelson "joker" had been in the
main accomplished. Also, who knows but that a "joker" is hid in the Knox law
or in some other law which may have been slipped through and whose purpose
will not appear until after this fail's elections are over?
Very important are those elections to the "merger"; for, to note only the
chief point, the legislatures then elected will choose the successors of
Bailey, Elkins, Nelson, Crane, and Cullom�five highly important men to the
"merger." It will be interesting to see just how far the people are awake to
the real cause of the futility of their struggles against the archenemy to
the real reason why prosperity is trimmed and clipped and adversity made more
burdensome. For the Senate, the "merger," controls the pockets of the
people�controls your pocket!
pps. 83-92
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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