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from:
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<A HREF="http://pages.hotbot.com/advice/wpmay/">Never Sleep 'til Dawn !</A>
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Never Sleep 'til Dawn !



My book "Never Sleep 'til Dawn" is a true story about murder, agents
provocateur, and corruption. The wiretapping of congress raises more
serious questions than Watergate.

During the Vietnam War:

�the U.S. Army tapped the telephones of our congressmen. Who was in
charge?
�a commander murdered his own men to validate his fraudulent body count.

�Agent Orange helped to hide the Vietcong, and made us easy targets.
�The major had worked for the U.S. Army in Washington, D.C., supervising
a small group of soldiers, who were tapping the telephones of our
senators and congressmen. I was stunned. The U.S. Army was listening to
the private conversations of our legislators, trying to find some dirt,
with which to control their votes! "Isn't that illegal? His face turned
red, and he stared straight ahead, trying to avoid my glance. Perhaps he
regretted, that he had said too much. When he spoke again, he replied
lamely, that, as a good soldier, he had just been following orders.
�The operations officer spoke haltingly at first, then continued in
steady, somber tones, like a man struggling through a funeral oration
for a close friend. As he spoke, he looked into my eyes searchingly,
trying to measure from my reaction, what he would have to say to make me
understand what was happening to his unit, and to the young men who had
been sent as replacements, straight from one of those crash courses in
soldiering, that was considered training in those days. Forty Americans
had been killed in a Vietcong ambush. His battalion commander's eyes had
lit up, when he ordered him to report that his unit had killed almost
four hundred enemy soldiers. The number was an outright lie, but for
every dead American, the commander could claim ten dead enemy soldiers.
The deaths of these young American soldiers lent credibility to his
fraudulent report, and promoted his career.
�We sprayed the herbicide Agent Orange over vast areas of Vietnam to
take away our enemies' hiding places. After a few months, the defoliant
caused more American combat deaths than it prevented. In parts of the
Central Highlands, the heavy canopy masked the sunlight, and permitted
no plants to grow on the jungle floor. We were able to move silently to
surprise an NVA unit, before they could hear us coming. In the south,
near the "Iron Triangle, the areas treated with Agent Orange had become
death traps for our troops. The dense brush, which had replaced the dead
trees, cast dark shadown on the weeds and grasses below. We could not
see through this miniature jungle we had created, and every tiny green
vine looked like a trip wire for a mine or booby trap. Even from a few
feet away, our enemy had become completely invisible.
We lost, because we did not understand !

The farmers were too far from the large cities to care about politics.
Stooped in their rice paddies from dawn to dusk, most disliked the
corrupt government officials as well as those fervent Vietcong cadre,
who were constantly badgering them to make a commitment to their cause.
These cadre came to them at night, asking for food to feed their
soldiers, while their soldiers played casually with their AK-47's. In
return for their "voluntary" contributions, these Vietcong officials
issued receipts, redeemable for cash at the end of the conflict. As the
war dragged on, many of these farmers had a large investment in a
Vietcong victory. It made sense to them to protect that investment by
acting as Vietcong spies.
The Vietcong understood the strategic importance of the Central
Highlands of Vietnam. The mountain tribesmen of Vietnam were eager to
defend their villages, and we organized their men into hamlet defense
units. Then we betrayed them. Even five thousand automatic weapons and
ammunition, distibuted to the defenders of these villages, would have
made an enormous impact on the balance of power in the highlands. The
Vietcong would have been hard pressed to get supplies from these people,
or use them as slave laborers. Instead, we forced them to defend their
villages with single shot squirrel guns, and they had to sell their
livestock, which they needed to feed their families, in order to buy
their own ammunition from our corrupt Vietnamese allies. Despite these
hardships, many of them squandered their own lives to save thousands of
young Americans from Vietcong mines. Click here, to visit America's most
loyal allies, the Montagnards

Click here to read my book proposal, including the first four chapters
of "Never Sleep 'til Dawn".>>>

Contact me at [EMAIL PROTECTED]
=====

  Title: Never Sleep 'til Dawn   (Manuscript ID: 8733329)
Author: Wolfgang May   (Membership ID: 9025402)
Page 1 of 39       Next >  Last >> Never Sleep 'til Dawn
Chapter 1: The Tangled Web

I had two choices: Leave the army, or go to Vietnam. I stayed, because I
was proud to be an officer, and because I believed in our mission in
Europe. As part of a mighty NATO army, we were keeping the Soviet Bloc
forces at bay, and defending Western Civilization. Then I found out,
that our army was tapping the telephone lines of our senators and
congressmen.

Once a week I reported to a major in the operations section of our
division. Normally, he would glance at my transcripts of the security
violations in our headquarters, and I would answer his questions about
that report. After I extended my tour of duty, and received orders for
Vietnam, he wanted to talk. He smiled as he asked me to have a seat next
to his desk. "In case I don't have a chance to speak to you before you
leave, I just want to tell you that I am very proud of you. A lot of our
officers are leaving the army, and sometimes I think our country is
tearing itself apart. Students are demonstrating against the draft, and
some of them are even desecrating our flag. I wonder, whether any of
them can imagine what it is like to live under communism."

He glanced briefly at the papers I had brought. "You know, these remind
me of my last assignment. I was in charge of a small group of soldiers
who were tapping the telephone lines of our senators and congressmen in
Washington, D. C." I think my mouth must have dropped open, because he
added quickly: "Well, not all of them, my unit was much too small for
that, just the ones who had spoken out against the war."

The U.S. Army was listening to the private conversations of our
legislators! It took a few seconds, before I could continue the
conversation: "Isn't that illegal?" His face turned red, and he stared
straight ahead, trying to avoid my glance. Perhaps he regretted that he
had said too much. When he looked at me again, he replied lamely that,
as a good soldier, he had just been following orders. He said his work
had made him feel dirty, and he hated that. He was relieved that his
tour in Washington was over, and he was hoping never to be put into that
kind of situation again. He seemed genuinely confused, and I felt sorry
for him, as I watched him struggle with his conscience.

How would the information from his wiretaps be used, and who would
ultimately get these reports? Was someone trying to exploit the human
weaknesses of our elected representatives in order to control
their votes? The major had long been haunted by these disturbing
questions, which suggested answers that were at odds with beliefs, and
with his concept of our system of government. The more he thought about
it, the more he had become ashamed. His secret had become a heavy
burden, and he thought that he would feel better, if he could share that
burden with someone.
This was an ominous beginning to my journey. On my way to the Jungle
Operations Course in Panama, and again on that long flight from San
Francisco to Vietnam, I replayed our conversation in my mind. What sort
of America would I be fighting for? In a democracy, the army must submit
to the collective wisdom of its freely elected leadership, and has no
business in attempting to influence their decisions by blackmail. How
long had this wiretapping been going on, and who was behind it? The
story sounded like a report from a military dictatorship, and seemed out
of place in the land of Thomas Jefferson. Unless the major was lying to
me, our democracy was in serious trouble. President Johnson had said
that we were going to Vietnam to save democracy. It seemed to me, that
we should be more concerned with saving our democracy in America.

Nevertheless, I was committed to go to Vietnam. Like the major, I was
conditioned to follow orders. I chose to believe that the wiretapping of
congress would end when those who were responsible realized that army
officers resented being used in this manner. Surely, they must fear that
some of these officers would leak this ugly secret to our legislators,
and this risk seemed out of proportion to any possible gains from these
efforts.

Whatever the complexities of the situation in Vietnam, we were fighting
to defeat a communist takeover of their government. Communist regimes in
the Soviet Union and China had murdered tens of millions of their own
citizens, but many of our anti-war activists seemed to believe that the
Vietcong were the noble champions of the working class. That foolish
pretense seemed even more absurd than President Johnson's speech about a
"domino" theory. According to our president, our allies were like
dominos, neatly lined up in long rows, standing precariously on their
narrow edges. If the Vietnam domino were to fall, it would topple the
Cambodian domino, then the Thai domino, and soon all of the countries in
Southeast Asia would become communist.

Before I left for Vietnam, I participated in a multinational
field exercise in Norway, three hundred miles north of the Arctic
Circle. This was the military equivalent to participating in the
Olympics. I worked with representatives from the best units among our
NATO allies, as British commandos, Italian ski troops, and the Norwegian
Navy displayed their finely honed military skills, the fruits of many
years of intensive training. Our headquarters included Belgian, British,
German, and Italian officers, and I was the only American in the
intelligence and operations shop. We lived in tents among the stunted
pine trees struggling to survive at the edge of the Norwegian tundra.
During the long evenings, while the faint rays of the midnight sun
illuminated the cold mist descending on our camp, we gathered around our
well-stocked bar. Mainly, we talked about world events, and Vietnam was
a popular topic. This was an opportunity to pick the brains of some of
the brightest minds in the military profession. For a start, I wanted to
know what these other NATO officers thought about President Johnson's
"domino" speech?
Most of the officers believed that the situation was not that
simple. The communist nations were not united, and Red China did not
completely support their North Vietnamese comrades. Powerful nations
have seldom been comfortable with other powerful nations on their
borders. If the industrial potential and mineral resources of North
Vietnam were combined with the enormous rice production of the South,
the Chinese might consider a united Vietnam a dangerous competitor.
The Chinese had sent advisors to work with the North Vietnamese army,
but they also sabotaged the war effort of their North Vietnamese
comrades. Their soldiers hijacked the Russian supply trains crossing
their territory, replacing the modern weapons on board with their own
worn out and obsolete junk. To avoid these thefts, the Soviets started
to move their shipments to Hanoi by boat.

Jean Lacouture's new book: "Vietnam: Between Two Truces" had shed
additional light on this murky scene. Before the French defeat,
Lacouture had served in Vietnam as a staff officer. Now he was a
newspaper correspondent. After interviewing leaders on both sides of the
conflict, he felt that the Vietcong leaders in the South wanted to
maintain an independent South Vietnam. In a united Vietnam, they would
have to surrender much of their power. As one of them put it: "We have
not been fighting for many years, only to have one dictatorship  . . .

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