-Caveat Lector-

from:
http://www.lbbs.org/ForeignPol/forpolwarchive.htm

JFK and Che
We now know that in August, 1961, four months after the Bay of Pigs, Che
Guevara met with Richard Goodwin, President Kennedy's assistant special
counsel, at an international gathering in Uruguay. Guevara had a message for
Kennedy. Cuba was prepared to forswear any political alliance with the
Soviet bloc, pay for confiscated American properties in trade, and consider
curbing Cuba's support for leftist insurgencies in other countries. In
return, the United States would cease all hostile actions against Cuba.
Back in Washington, Goodwin's advice to the president was to "quietly
intensify" economic pressure on Cuba.  In November, Kennedy authorized
Operation Mongoose, a multifaceted campaign of terrorism and harrassment
against the island nation.

Humorist Dave Barry has boiled the Monroe Doctrine down to three simple
precepts: 1) Other nations are not allowed to mess around with the internal
affairs of nations in this hemisphere.  2) But we are. 3) Ha-ha-ha.
Barry further enlightens us by revealing the CIA's motto: "Proudly
overthrowing Fidel Castro since 1962."

====
from:
http://www.internationalen.se/sp/iv54.htm

Che Guevara and the FBI sheds new light on the events immediately following
the defeated U.S.-led Bay of Pigs (Playa Gir�n) invasion of Cuba in 1961.
Memoranda sent by presidential adviser Richard Goodwin to President Kennedy
about his meeting with Che at the Punta del Este conference of the
Organisation of American States (OAS) reveal that Che, speaking as head of
the Cuban delegation, sought a modus vivendi between Cuba and the United
States. Goodwin viewed Che as the one Cuban official most "dedicated [to]
communist views" (p. 73).

One Goodwin memo states that Che told him there would never be enough
internal support in Cuba for an overthrow of the revolution and that in
other Latin American countries "the commies would get in through popular
election" or, under dictatorships, armed revolt [p. 78] Note the use of the
fanatical term "commies" by Goodwin, a prominent U.S. liberal intellectual.

Che assured Goodwin that in time Cuba would have "free elections, [after]
the establishment of a one-party system". Che also said the Cubans were
willing to make concessions to the United States, such as agreeing to no
"political alliance with the East" although this would not affect their
"natural sympathies."

Finally, Che thanked Goodwin and Kennedy "for the invasion [that]
transformed them from an aggrieved little country to an equal" (p. 79).

Goodwin's recommendations to Kennedy were to tighten the economic blockade
of Cuba, form "the Caribbean security pact" to deal "with the spread of
revolution," and eliminate the "peaceful  coexistence which Castro is now
trying to create" (p. 74).

Che's internationalism in practice was viewed in Washington as even more
threatening than the example of the Cuban revolution itself. It is ironic
that the CIA's super spooks seemed to be in the dark about Che's whereabouts
in 1965-66 when he was first in the Congo and then in Bolivia, fighting
revolutions in his attempt to cripple imperialism by creating "two, three,
many Vietnams." Che's efforts in the Congo against Mobutu failed, although
one of the young leaders of the time, Laurent Kabila, thirty years later led
the uprising that finally toppled Mobutu.

Che's efforts in Bolivia also failed, in part because his presence was
constantly spotted by the U.S. military's heat-seeking infrared devices
originally developed by academics at the University of Michigan. Several
pages of Che Guevara and the FBI reproduce the misinformed allegations by
CIA informants that Che was dead, that Fidel had ordered him executed, that
Che was in one or another Third World country, when all the time he was
carrying the internationalist revolutionary banner to other lands.

A final section of Che Guevara and the FBI shows Goodwin and his aides
meeting with New York Times editor Ben Wells a year after Che's death in
order to have the Times spread news about a Havana-Moscow split in an effort
to undermine both the Cuban and Soviet governments. One Goodwin aide reports
"We made every  effort to emphasise 'Castro = Trotsky' and emphasised how
seriously things must be regarded in Moscow when they applied the name
Trotsky in this situation" (p. 212).

Like Che, Leon Trotsky, murdered on Stalin's orders in 1940, believed that
socialism could not be built in one country alone because, in the words of
Ratner and Smith, "the forces of the world market would eventually restore
capitalism to the Soviet Union unless the Russian revolution broke out of
its isolation and was extended abroad" (p. 202).

While doing a superb job in annotating these nefarious FBI/CIA documents,
Ratner and Smith skate on thin ice when they say that many of Che's speeches
they reproduce here from the CIA's Foreign Broadcast Information Service
(FBIS) "are probably the only extant copies of the speeches." A few of the
speeches may indeed be the only copies in English, but most are available in
Spanish and other languages, and several are available in English. Moreover,
the other copies may be more reliable, since, as a "Publisher's Note" to Che
Guevara and the FBI states, the FBIS  transcripts "should not be regarded as
accurate transcriptions" (p. xiii).

Even so, it is inspiring to read Che's words here, still appropriate so many
years after intellectuals and other  self-styled revolutionists around the
world have pronounced the ideas of guerrilla warfare and international
revolutionary solidarity as dead or wrong-headed.

Che Guevara and the FBI serves to remind us of the real threat U.S.
corporate capital and its political representatives in Washington saw behind
the so-called "evil empire" of communism during the Cold War years and now
Cuba today and "international terrorism": revolution, and its consequent
constraints on corporate capital's obscenely high profits made at the
expense of working people world-wide.

Che Guevara and the FBI also reminds us of why Che was not only feared in
Washington but admired throughout most of the world. His statements
resonate--revolutionaries as "motivated by deep feelings of love," the OAS
as a "ministry of colonies," and, from his last public speech, "The practice
of internationalism is not only a duty for the peoples who struggle for a
better future, it is also an inescapable necessity."

(The reviewer, Jim Cockcroft, is Visiting Professor of Latin American and
Caribbean Studies at SUNY-Albany and author of several books, including the
forthcoming Mexico's Hope: An Encounter with History (New York: Monthly
Review Press, press, 1998), and Latinos in B�isbol (Danbury, Ct.: Franklin
Watts, 1996) and Latin America: History, Politics, and U.S. Policy (Chicago:
Nelson-Hall Publishers, 1996).

====
Author/historian Doris Kearns Goodwin is married to the writer Richard
Goodwin who worked in the White House under both Kennedy and Johnson. His
experience as the investigator who uncovered the quiz show scandals of the
1950�s was captured in the recent Academy Award nominated film �Quiz Show�,
directed by Robert Redford.

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