-Caveat Lector-

from:
http://www.criminology.fsu.edu/crimtheory/tarde.htm
<A HREF="http://www.criminology.fsu.edu/crimtheory/tarde.htm">Gabriel Tarde
and the Imitation of Deviance</A>
-----

G a b r i e l T a r d e

Gabriel Tarde and the Imitation of Deviance

By Gwen Williams

One of the earliest formulations of a learning perspective on deviance
is discovered in the writings of the French social theorist Gabriel
Tarde (1843-1904). Tarde�s theory of imitation is a 19th century social
learning theory; he was the forerunner of modern-day learning theorists.
We will discuss Tarde�s belief that people learn from one another
through the process of imitation. Attempting to bring up to date this 19
th century theory by discussing contemporary issues, we will look at how
the three laws of imitation might explain drug/alcohol use and gang
behavior as imitated phenomena. We will also look at how one of the
leaders of social learning theory and imitation, Albert Bandura, takes
Tarde�s basic principles and uses them to make a contemporary argument
on imitation and modeling that is very much in use today.

Jean-Gabriel Tarde was born in the small town of Sarlat, about one
hundred miles east of Bordeaux, in 1843. He wrote several short volumes
on his family and the town in which he lived, as well as editing and
republishing the papers of outstanding family members. While in school,
Tarde retained a permanent distaste for socially imposed discipline
whenever it limited individual freedom. The success of racial and
geographic theories which Lombroso, Garofalo, Ferri and others had
developed led Tarde to publish a series of articles criticizing the "new
Italian school" and emphasizing the preponderance of social
factors�especially the socialization and imitation�behind crime. (Tarde,
1969a: 2-5)

Tarde directed attention to the social processes whereby forms of
behavior and ways of thinking and feeling are passed on from group to
group and person to person. His was a theory of "imitation and
suggestion." The origins of deviance were pictured as very similar to
the origins of fads and fashions. Each was a socially learned
acquisition, governed by what Tarde referred to as the "three laws of
imitation." These included (1) the law of close contact, (2) the law of
imitation of superiors by inferiors, and (3) the law of insertion.

These three laws of imitation describe why people engage in crime.
First, individuals in close intimate contact with one another imitate
each other�s behavior (Tarde, 1969b: 30). By the law of close contact,
Tarde meant simply that people have a greater tendency to imitate the
fashions and customs of those with whom they have the most contact. If
someone were regularly surrounded by people involved in a world of
deviant behavior or lifestyles, they would be more likely to imitate
these people than they would others with whom they had little
association. Direct contact with deviance was believed to foster more
deviance. Tarde theorized that there was short-term behavior (fashion)
and long-term behavior (custom). He suggested that, as population became
denser, behavior would be oriented more toward fashion than toward
custom. (Williams & McShane 1988: 27)

The functions of the higher senses are more transmissible through
imitation than those of the lower. We are much more likely to copy
someone who is looking at or listening to something than someone who is
smelling a flower or tasting a dish (Tarde, 1903a: 195). Imitation,
contrary to what we might infer from certain appearances, proceeds from
the inner to the outer man (Tarde, 1903b: 199).

As we look at indirect contact, we think of a world in which much of our
contact with people, their actions, and their beliefs are mediated by
mass communications. Tarde�s writing anticipated such a world of
indirect imitation. He believed that the media played a central role in
the proliferation of such nineteenth-century "epidemics of deviance" as
the rise in mutilations of women, the practice of women disfiguring the
faces of male lovers, and the rash of "Jack the Ripper"-type murders
became evident. In Tarde�s own words, "infectious epidemics spread with
air or wind; epidemics of crime follow the telegraph." If only Tarde had
known of the coming of television, surely his law of close contact is
relevant to the current debate over whether violence and other forms of
deviance are learned from models displayed by the mass media (Pfohl,
1994a: 299). This will be discussed in more detail as we examine Albert
Bandura�s modeling theory.

Tarde�s second law of imitation spreads from the top down; consequently,
youngsters imitate older individuals, paupers imitate the rich, peasants
imitate royalty, and so on. Crime among young, poor or low-status people
is really their effort to imitate wealthy, older, high-status people.
This law suggests perhaps people follow the model of high-status in
hopes their imitative behavior will procure some of the rewards
associated with being of a "superior" class. In any event, Tarde�s ideas
have a particular relevance in our own age of visibly "high-class"
deviance. Does post-Watergate knowledge of the deviance of "superior"
persons, such as high governmental officials and corporate executives,
increase the likelihood of deviance by us all?" Tarde�s law of imitation
of superiors suggests that possibility. (Pfohl, 1994b: 299)

Tarde�s third law is the law of insertion: new acts and behaviors are
superimposed on old ones and subsequently either reinforce or discourage
previous customs. This law refers to the power inherent in newness or
novelty; new fashions were said to replace old "customs." For example,
drug taking may be a popular fad among college students who previously
used alcohol. However, students may find that a combination of both
substances provides even greater stimulation, causing the use of both
drugs and alcohol to increase. Another example would be a new criminal
custom developing that eliminates an older one � truck hijacking
replacing train robbing. When two mutually exclusive ways of doing
something come into conflict, Tarde believed the newer one would
ordinarily win out. The replacement of the knife by the gun as a weapon
of deviant destruction was also cited as an example of this process.
(Pfohl, 1994c: 299)

>From its early inception in Tarde�s three laws of imitation, the
learning perspective, has exerted an enormous impact on the study of
deviance and social control. It is the product of learning in the world
in a particular way, learning with and from others about how to define,
feel, and act within a world which we create together.

As we examine social learning more, we see a lot of theories integrated,
which originated to some extent from Tarde�s imitation theory. Social
psychologists suggest that drug abuse patterns may result from the
observation of parental drug use. Parental drug abuse begins to have a
damaging effect on children as young as two years old, especially when
parents manifest drug-related personality problems, children imitate
their behavior. Children whose parents abuse drugs are more likely to
have persistent abuse problems than the children of nonabusers, because
one is more exposed intimately than the other. (Ashby, Vaccaro,
McNamara, and Hirky, 1996:166-180)

A study was conducted that tested the validity of social learning theory
for juveniles� use of alcohol and marijuana. The data were collected by
questionnaires given to 3,065 male and female adolescents, grades 7-12.
The study measured the main concept of the social learning theories:
imitation, differential association, etc. There was strong support for
the social learning theory of adolescent drug and alcohol behavior. 55
percent of the variance in drinking behavior and 68 percent of the
variance in marijuana behavior was explained by the model. The analyses
showed that some subsets of variables specified by the theory are more
important than others and the peer variable was the most important
single variable; the most influential of why the adolescents used
alcohol and drugs. In a study done on adolescent alcohol use, a number
of students described more generally definitive reasons likely applied
to many potential alcohol situations, e.g., "I�m worried that I can
become addicted": "I�m worried that using alcohol will wreck my future";
I want to be careful with alcohol and not be an alcoholic like my
uncle." (Forgays, 1998:11)

Adolescents respond to peer group influences more readily than adults
because of the crucial role peer relationships play in identity
formation. Youth�s greater desire for acceptance and approval renders
them more susceptible to peer influences as they adjust their behavior
and attitudes to conform to those of their contemporaries.
Significantly, young people "commit crimes, as they live their lives, in
groups." (Morse, 1997a: 108). It is widely assumed that peer influence
plays an important role in adolescent crime, and evidence supports the
claim that teens are more subject to this influence than are adults.
Peer influence seems to operate through two means: social comparison and
conformity. Through social comparison, adolescents measure their own
behavior by comparing it to others. Social conformity to peers, which
peaks at about age fourteen, influence adolescents to adapt their
behavior and attitudes to that of their peers. Peer influence could
affect adolescent decision-making in several ways. In some contexts,
adolescents might make choices in response to direct peer pressure. More
indirectly, adolescent desire for peer approval could affect the choices
made, without any direct coercion. Peers may provide models for behavior
that adolescents believe will assist them in accomplishing their own
ends. (Morse, 1997b: 162) We are led to copy from others everything that
seems to us a new means for attaining our old ends, or satisfying our
old wants, or a new expression of our old ideas; and we do this at the
same time that we begin to adopt innovations which awaken new ideas and
new ends in us. (Clark, 1969:186)



ALBERT BANDURA

Social learning is the branch of behavior theory most relevant to
criminology. Social learning theorists view violence as something
learned through a process called behavior modeling. In modern society,
aggressive acts are usually modeled after three principle sources. The
most prominent models are family members. Albert Bandura, a social
learning theorist, reports that studies of family life show that
children who use aggressive tactics have parents who use similar
behaviors when dealing with others. A second influence on the social
learning of violence is provided by environmental experiences. People
who reside in areas in which violence is a daily occurrence are more
likely to act violently than those who dwell in low-crime areas where
norms stress conventional behavior. A third source of behavior modeling
is provided by the mass media. Films and television shows commonly
depict violence graphically. Moreover, violence is often portrayed as an
acceptable behavior, especially for heroes who never have to face legal
consequences for their actions; for example, Batman and the Power
Rangers. (Siegal, 1998a: 145).

Bandura first presented the principles of social learning theory in
1963. The study demonstrated that modeling is one of the most effective
ways to teach children ways of behaving and their consequences. These
theories are relevant to studies that have shown a link between movie
portrayals of behavior and the behavior of juvenile viewers. A recent
study found that adolescent subjects accepted the behavior of movie
characters as moral even if it was violent or antisocial as long as they
could identify with the character. In addition, it was easier for the
more aggressive viewer to accept the violence of the film actor. Some
said the effects of media violence on children only exists in a small
amount that is still up for debate. Studies of the effects of media vi
olence on behavior generally caution that variables such as belief in
the reality of the media presentation, predisposition toward violence,
an aggressive family environment, identification with aggressive media
characters, and how the consequences of aggressive behavior are
portrayed may all affect the relationship between media and violence.

Social learning theorists argue that people are not actually born with
the ability to act violently but that they learn to be aggressive
through their life experiences. These experiences include personally
observing others acting aggressively to achieve some goal or watching
people being rewarded for violent acts on television or in movies.
People learn to act aggressively when, as children, they model their
behavior after the violent acts of adults. Later in life, these violent
behavior patterns persist in social relationships. The boy who sees his
father repeatedly strike his mother with impunity is the one most likely
to grow up to become a battering parent and husband (Siegal, 1998b:
145). Bandura�s social learning theory when applied to effects of mass
media, is an important concept. It was the "backbone" of subsequent
research, studying the impact of television violence on children. This
is a contemporary look at what Tarde spoke about, but because this
technology was not available during his lifetime, he spoke mainly of
verbal communication via telegraphs and newspapers. The conclusion from
Bandura�s observational learning research relates to mass communication,
particularly the "effects" of film and television on youth. Bandura
spoke about modeling, or observational learning when he performed the
Bobo Doll Experiment. He made a film of a young woman, beating up a Bobo
Doll, and showed it to kindergartners. The kids imitated the young
woman�s actions. The research proves children will imitate and learn
behavior performed by symbolic models on television.
http://www.ship.edu/~cgboeree/bandura.html

Another viewpoint is that men learn to commit rapes much as they learn
any other behavior. Many rapists were sexually victimized as
adolescents. A growing body of literature links personal sexual trauma
with the desire to inflict sexual trauma on others. Tarde�s ideas are
quite similar to those of modern social learning theorists, who believe
that both interpersonal and observed behavior, such as watching a movie
or television can influence criminality. Evidence is mounting that some
men are influenced by observing films and books with both violent and
sexual content. Watching violent or pornographic films featuring women
who are beaten, raped, or tortured has been linked to sexually
aggressive behavior in men. In one startling case, a 12-year-old
Providence, Rhode Island, boy sexually assaulted a 10-year-old girl on a
pool table after watching TV coverage of a case in which a woman was
similarly raped (the incident was made into a film, The Accused,
starring actress Jodie Foster). (Omaha World Herald, 1984:50).

Although social learning theorists agree that mental or physical traits
may predispose a person toward violence, they believe that the
activation of a person�s violent tendencies is achieved by factors in
the environment. The specific forms that aggressive behavior takes, the
frequency with which it is expressed, the situations in which it is
displayed, and the specific targets selected for attack are largely
determined by social learning. Their interpretations of behavior
outcomes and situations influence the way they learn from experiences.

Ronald Akers (differential reinforcement theory) says people learn to
evaluate their own behavior through interaction with significant others
and groups in their lives, this parallels Tarde�s close contact law.
These groups control sources and patterns of reinforcement, define
behavior as right or wrong and provide behaviors for observational
learning. The more individuals learn to define their behavior as good or
at least as justified, rather than as undesirable, the more likely they
are to engage in it. For example, kids who hook up with a drug-abusing
peer group whose members value drugs and alcohol, encourage their use,
and provide opportunities to observe people abusing substance, will be
encouraged through this social learning experience to use drugs them
selves.

Akers� theory posits that the principal influence on behavior is from
those groups, which control individuals� major sources of reinforcement
and punishment and expose them to behavioral models and normative
definitions. The important groups are peer and friendship groups,
schools, churches and similar institutions. Within the context of these
critical groups, deviant behavior can be expected to the extent that it
has been differently reinforced over alternative behavior�it is defined
as desirable or justified. The deviant behavior, originated by
imitation, is sustained by social support (Siegal, 1998c: 204)

Individuals acquire certain behaviors and attitudes via a process of
social learning, let�s take for example gangs. Social learning theory
claims that if behavior is rewarded and repeated episodes are met with
reinforcement, it continues. Of course, if behavior is punished, the
perpetrator is discourages from engaging in the conduct and the behavior
decreases. A potential recruit learns through close interactions with
the gang members what is "appropriate or inappropriate at least
according to their reverse value system. The profile of the youth that
joins might include a youth that is friends with gang-members, someone
who experiences peer-pressure to join, or intimidated by the gang.

Personal responsibility and family values are now vogue explanations for
youth gang activities. (Brown, 1998a: 1) Many scholars agree that the
family is probably the most critical factor relating to crime and
delinquency (Brown, 1998b: 2). Some gang members live "wherever I can".
Often, this means, "today a friend�s house and tomorrow a drug house".
All adult family participants in a study expressed concern about their
children�s, or grandchildren�s involvement in youth gangs. Most
attempted to control their children�s activities. "I tell him all the
time to stay away from them kind of kids," says one mother. A father
states, "I don�t like him running wild out there, but we (including his
wife) both got jobs. We just can�t watch them all the time". (Brown,
1998c: 5). In the study over half of the sample indicated they became
involved with gangs through introduction by friends and peers. (Brown,
1998d: 7)

This hypothesis was substantially more supported among whites in urban
or rural settings than among blacks. An argument can be made, though,
that juveniles who are surrounded by adults, particularly significant
others such as parents, who have achieved relatively little in reference
to those residing outside of socially disorganized neighborhoods, would
perceive their chances for success blocked relative to youth residing
elsewhere. Basically, failure, or expectation of failure, provides the
motivation for youth to enter gangs. This assertion can be asserted to
the study of general delinquency, rather than gang membership per se.
That is, youth living in socially disorganized neighborhoods are more
likely than other youth to perceive their opportunities blocked and,
therefore, engage in delinquency. (Vowel and Howell, 1998: 390). In this
way, imitation passes on from one person to another, as well as from one
class to another within the same people. Do we ever see one class which
is in contact with, but which has never, hypothetically, been subject to
the control of another determine to copy its accent, its dress, its
furniture, and its buildings, and end by embracing its principles and
beliefs? (Tarde, 1903c: 201)

In integrating Tarde�s imitation theory, Edwin Sutherland put forth a
few propositions, which just need to be mentioned because of its
relevance to imitation. Edwin Sutherland spoke of differential
association. He hypothesized that "any person can be trained to adopt
and follow". Sutherland, in summation, felt that criminal behavior is
learned, and learned in interaction with other persons in a process of
communication. He also proposed that the learning part of criminal
behavior occurs within intimate personal groups. This parallels Tarde�s
second law of imitation, close contact. (Sutherland and Cressey, 1994a:
192). However in this Sutherland felt the process of learning criminal
behavior by association with criminal and anticriminal patterns involves
all of the mechanisms that are involved in any other learning.
Negatively, this means that the learning of criminal behavior is not
restricted to the process of imitation. A person who is seduced, for
instance, learns criminal behavior by association, but this process
would not ordinarily be described as imitation. (Sutherland, 1994b:
194).

Sutherland suggested that the distinction between lawbreakers and the
law-abiding lies not in their personal fiber but in the content of what
they have learned. Those with the good fortune of growing up in a
conventional neighborhood will learn to play baseball and to attend
church services; those with the misfortune of growing up in a slum will
learn to rob drunks and to roam the streets looking to do mischief.
(Lilly, Cullen, Ball , 1995:47).

Now, after examining the theory of imitation and its relevant integrated
theories, we need to look at some criticisms of these works. Learning
theorists fail to account for the origin of criminal definitions; How
did the first "teachers" learn criminal techniques and definitions.
Learning theories also imply that people systematically learn techniques
that allow them to be active and successful criminals, but they fail to
adequately explain spontaneous and wanton acts of violence and damage
and other expressive crimes that appear to have little utility or
purpose, i.e. a random shooting. Little evidence exists that people
learn the techniques that enable them to become criminals before they
actually commit criminal acts (Siegal, 1998d: 207)

As we look at other criticisms of Tarde� work, along with others who
have brought his theory to the forefront, we see that criticisms of the
mass media are based on the assumption that what people see and hear
strongly affect their attitudes and behavior. Elitist critics condemn
the emphasis on sex and violence and the generally low level of
intellectual sophistication of most programming. Critics on the left
argue that the masses are lulled into defining public issues as personal
problems. Although it is difficult to believe that the media do not have
a direct impact on attitudes and actions, the research is unclear.
(Hess, Markson, & Stein, 1993:565)

The mass media�primarily radio, film or print at the time most research
was conducted�emerged as unlikely to be a major contributor to direct
change of individual opinions, attitudes or behavior or to be a direct
cause of crime, aggression, or other disapproved social phenomena
(Graber, 1990: 22).

Tarde�s three laws are rather loose and have been criticized for being
overly simplistic and for neglecting a host of other physical,
psychological, social, political, and economic factors related to
deviance. Some of the dynamics of these laws were never specifically
laid out. Why, for instance, was newness more attractive than
established custom? Are we more likely to accept new forms of doing
things if they do old things better, for example, alcohol to crack, 45
magnums to machine guns? Tarde was not clear about such issues.
Nonetheless, his ideas about the imitative origins of deviance opened
the door for an interpretation of deviance as learned behavior. Tarde
rejected the biological theories as well as explanations, which viewed
society as independent of the activities of its members. He planted the
theoretical seeds of a perspective, which later came to fruition in
Edwin Sutherland�s theory of a differential association. Note the
importance placed upon associative imitation in the following excerpt
from Tarde�s Penal Philosophy:

The majority of murderers and notorious thieves (begin) as children who
have been abandoned, and the true seminary of crime must be sought for
upon each public square and/or each crossroad of our town, whether they
be small or large, in those flocks of pillaging street urchins, who like
bands of sparrows, associate together, at first for marauding, and then
for theft, because of a lack of education and food in their homes.
(Pfohl, 1994d: 299-300).

Many have adapted and refined Tarde�s work. His research on deviance and
how it is manifested has caused many contemporaries to take notice and
embark on new avenues that emit from it. Tarde�s three laws, close
contact, superiors and inferiors, and insertion all have been expanded
upon in today�s contemporary criminological research.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y


Brown (1998). Juvenile and Family Court Journal. 1,2,5,7.Clark, Terry.
(1969). On Communication and Social Influence, 30, 186 Forgays, Deborah
Kirby. (1998): Journal of Child and Adolescent Substance Abuse. 7(4),
11. Graber, Doris A. (1990). Media Power in Politics 2nd Edition. 22
Hess, Beth, Markson, Elizabeth, and Stein, Peter. (1993). Sociology,
Fourth Edition. 565 (http://www.ship.edu/~cgboeree/bandura.html) The
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (1997). 88(1), 108, 162 Lilly,
Cullen, Ball. (1995). Criminological Theory. 47 Pfohl, Stephen, Images
of Deviance and Social Control, Second Edition, 1994 Rojeck, Dean, G.,
and Jensen, F. Gary. (1996). Social Learning and Deviant Behavior: A
Specific Test of a General Theory, 120-127 Siegal, Larry J. (1998),
Criminology: Theories, Patterns and Typologies, Sixth Edition. 145
Sutherland, Edwin H., and Cressey, Donald R. (1994). Theories of
Deviance. 192Tarde, Gabriel. (1903). The Laws of Imitation, 195,199
Tarde, Gabriel (1969). On Communication & Social Influence. 2-5,30Vowel
& Howell, (1998, Oct-Dec). Deviant Behavior: An Interdisciplinary
Journal. 19(4), 390.Williams, Frank P. III, McShane, Marilyn D. (1988)
Criminological Theory. 27Wills, Thomas Ashby, Vaccaro, Donato, McNamara,
Grace, and Hirky, A. Elizabeth Hirky. (1996) "Escalated Substance Use: A
Longitudinal Grouping Analysis from Early to Middle Adolescence, "
Journal of Abnormal Psychology 166-180 Associated Press, "Trial on TV
May Have Influenced Boy Facing Sexual-Assault Count," Omaha World
Herald, 18 April 1984, p50.
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic
screeds are not allowed. Substance�not soapboxing!  These are sordid matters
and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright
frauds is used politically  by different groups with major and minor effects
spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL
gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers;
be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and
nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
Archives Available at:
http://home.ease.lsoft.com/archives/CTRL.html

http:[EMAIL PROTECTED]/
========================================================================
To subscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SUBSCRIBE CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

To UNsubscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SIGNOFF CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Om

Reply via email to