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No Nukes America

Can the U.S. afford to become a nuclear-free zone?

by Tom Bethell



Over a period of several decades, the weapons in the U.S. nuclear arsenal
were assembled at the Pantex plant, a few miles northeast of Amarillo,
Texas. The components were fabricated elsewhere -- at Rocky Flats, near
Denver; at Hanford reservation, in Washington state; at the Savannah River
reactor in South Carolina -- but they were finally all put together at
Pantex, 16,000 acres of parched scrub surrounded by steel fences and coils
of razor wire. The plant is dotted with infrared motion detectors and armed
guards in desert camouflage.

Today, the entire U.S. nuclear weapons assembly line is running in reverse.
All the nuclear-weapons production facilities are closed down, and the bombs
themselves, having been retrieved from silos and Air Force bases, are being
brought back to the same Pantex plant at a rate of about 35 or 40 a week.
They are transported across U.S. highways in unmarked, heavily guarded
tractor -trailers; at Pantex they are disassembled, and their plutonium
"pits" stored in bunkers. State officials have expressed concern that Pantex
is fast becoming "an unlicensed plutonium dump." The U.S. is said to be
dismantling its arsenal at a rate of about 2,000 weapons a year.

The planned final size of the arsenal is secret, but some say the total may
be no more than 1,000 weapons. Anti-nuke groups stationed outside the Pantex
gates monitored the trucks as the completed weapons left the plant, and they
continue to monitor them as they return.

In the postwar period, the U.S. produced some 70,000 nuclear weapons, of
about 75 different types. Annual production rates in the early 1960's
reached about 5,000 a year, and a maximum stockpile of over 32,000 warheads
was reached in 1967. Information provided by Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail
Gorbachev implied that the Soviets' arsenal at its peak exceeded 40,000
warheads. France today has about 480 nukes, China about 450, Britain 200,
Israel "probably 100 plus devices," India 60-odd, and Pakistan 15-25,
according to a guide published by the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, Tracking Nuclear Proliferation.

It seems undeniable that the quantity of Soviet and U.S. nukes at their peak
defied logic on both sides. Misleading "perceptions," inter-service rivalry,
and the skewed incentives of government agencies contributed to a build-up
that was vastly in excess of whatever could have been used. The elimination
of superfluous arsenals by definition does not jeopardize security, and
there is much to be said for the current "build down." But it also has its
disquieting aspects. Above all, it will be difficult to reverse the present
course. In an emergency it could be done, but by then it would be too late,
in view of the time required to build or re-start the industrial
infrastructure. It is safe to say that the existing atomic-weapons
production facilities will never be re -opened. The enduring superstition
surrounding all things nuclear will see to that: Not in my back yard, or
anyone else's.

As the Cold War was coming to an end, the environmentalists gained a crucial
and little remarked ascendancy over the military in the ordering of
government priorities. It helped that George Bush was president when this
happened, for he was willing to do almost anything to ward off accusation
from environmentalists. Weapons plants were stigmatized as contaminated
sites, "hot spots," sources of hazardous waste. All of the major nuclear
weapons facilities have since then been included on the Environmental
Protection Agency's "Superfund" National Priorities List of the worst
contaminated sites in America. "In preparing to fight a nuclear war with the
former Soviet Union," according to the Center for Defense Information's
Defense Monitor, "America succeeded in 'nuking' itself." It is an irony,
surely, that the plants that arguably yielded a 50-year stretch of domestic
peace rarely enjoyed by any nation should in the end have been so condemned.

The symbolic moment came in June, 1989, when Rocky Flats was raided by FBI
agents. The nation's only source of purified plutonium for nuclear weapons,
Rocky Flats manufactured the softball-sized plutonium cores at the heart of
the weapon. The raid came as a surprise to the Department of Energy, which
has responsibility for the production and maintenance of nuclear weapons.
Until the mid 1980's the department successfully argued that the practices
of weapons -plant contractors were exempt from federal environmental laws.
But by 1992 it had in effect become a loyal subsidiary of the Environmental
Protection Agency. In that year, Rockwell International, the Rocky Flats
contractor, pleaded guilty to charges that it had violated hazardous waste
and clean-water laws. The company was fined $18.5 million. Today, according
to the General Accounting Office, nuclear weapons facilities all across the
country are closed "for environmental, health and safety reasons." The
Department of Energy has estimated that cleaning up these sites will cost
$300 billion -- more than the annual defense budget.

In order to gain insight into future nuclear-weapons policy, it is worth
studying the tracts of the anti-nukes, the bulletins of atomic scientists,
and the pugwash of "responsible" physicists and physicians. Their goal is
unmistakable: America as a nuclear-free zone. The present deconstruction of
America's nukes was prescribed in their earlier manifestos. But abolition is
the goal. In 1992 the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists published its
"Agenda 2001." Among the contributors was Daniel Ellsberg of Harvard Medical
School, earlier the publicist of the Pentagon Papers. It is fair to say that
the present (anti) nuclear policies of the U.S., if not of the other nuclear
states , are currently in line with his recommendations: No nukes are being
built, production facilities are shut tight, the current arsenal is being
deconstructed, and the U.S. has signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.

If ridding the whole world of nukes cannot quite be achieved, eliminating
America's may be manageable. At the signing ceremony for the United Nations
test-ban treaty this September, Clinton expressed the hope that the "role"
of nuclear weapons could be "ultimately eliminated." Signatories include the
declared nuclear powers (the U.S., Russia, China, France, Britain). The
treaty has not taken effect, one reason being that India has refused to
sign. (Gandhi must be turning in his sainted grave.) But the U.S. will
respect its own signature and abide by its own gentleman's agreement. The
effect will be to deny the benefits of modernization to just those countries
that can be most trusted with nuclear weapons. Only those countries whose
diplomats believe in the efficacy of such mantras as "trust but verify" will
in the end sign on the dotted line.

The modernization of weapons without testing them is still permitted, and
the U.S. is doing so. Innards are being removed, and old technology is being
replaced by modern electronics. But the bombs can no longer be detonated,
whether under the ground or above it, and so computer simulations must
replace explosions. Will the new mechanisms actually work as intended?
Nuclear weapons have a stockpile life of twenty years, and the U.S. arsenal
is aging rapidly. Former Defense and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger says
that the Clinton administration is hiding the reality that "with an end to
testing, confidence in the nuclear stockpile must decline." He adds that if
we are determined not to "design, test, manufacture or stockpile nuclear
weapons," then perhaps shutting down our production facilities "makes
logical sense."

Bill Clinton adopted a policy of no more testing against the advice of the
director of the Los Alamos National Laboratory, Sigfried Hecker. In May
1993, he told Clinton that testing was the best way to maintain a reliable
deterrent. Two months later, Clinton nonetheless ordered an end to testing.
When China proceeded with an atmospheric test a few weeks later, U.S.
policymakers chose to pay no attention. (Why make trouble with the big
boys?) Russia is reliably reported to be maintaining its production lines,
perhaps assembling as many nuclear weapons a year as we are disassembling.
Even the humble Brits continue with a slow but active weapons production
cycle to keep their hand in. But the U.S. has produced no weapons since
1990.

Tritium, a hydrogen isotope that is an essential ingredient of all American.
nukes, has not been produced anywhere in the U.S. since 1988, when the
Savannah River reactor was shut down. With a half life of 12.6 years, most
of the installed tritium will have vanished into thin air by the year 2015.
At that point the U.S. arsenal will have a short half-life indeed. Tritium
could be manufactured by electricity-generating nuclear reactors, but here
we encounter the popular ignorance that has been both nurtured and exploited
by the anti-nukes. Tritium-production would expose power plants to the
charge that they are "hydrogen bomb plants." A recent editorial in Science
suggested that maybe we could buy some tritium from Canada. Or, er, the
Russians. That would "improve our relations" with them, and, in case you
hadn't thought of it, "help alleviate their need for hard currency."

The main concern of those who are responsible for maintaining the nuclear
arsenal today is that the needed human capital, experience, and knowledge
will dwindle away along with the tritium. Automobile mechanics who know how
to rebuild a 1933 Jaguar S-type sports coupe are difficult to find today.
The refusal to allow further testing ensures that nuclear weapons technology
will become increasingly outdated. It will require the expertise of those
who understand and know how to maintain the nuclear equivalent of cathode
ray tubes. The best minds will not be attracted by the prospects of working
with museum technology in a dying industry.

The blueprints of nuclear weapons are now widely diffused throughout the
world, and the knowledge they embody can never be eradicated from human
consciousness. Because crude bombs can be assembled without the need for
testing -- the Hiroshima bomb was of a type that had not been tested -- an
end to testing enhances global security only in the minds of those who think
the U.S. is the great threat to it. The main constraint on proliferation is
the difficulty of obtaining weapons-grade fissile material: highly enriched
uranium and plutonium. Neither occurs in nature -- the main reason why all
things nuclear are regarded with dread and horror by homo sapiens-hating
enviros -- and both depend for their production upon an advanced industrial
capacity that itself has not yet proliferated much beyond the Western world.

The uncomfortable fact is that the U.S. has pursued its undeclared policy of
unilateral denuclearization at just the time when this material has become
more available than ever before, thanks to the breakup of the former Soviet
Union. More than 100 cases of smuggling of weapons grade material have been
detected, and it seems only a matter of time before a sufficient quantity of
it finds its way into the hands of people who pay only lip service to the
sleep-inducing diplomatic formulae. Will we feel more secure, let us say ten
years from now, when more countries have acquired nuclear weapons, and it
sinks in that our own dwindling arsenal is untested and of questionable
reliability?



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This article also appears in the December 1996 issue of The American
Spectator.

Tom Bethell is The American Spectator's Washington correspondent.

(Posted 10/15/99)

Bard
We don't need a 3rd Party;  we need a 2nd Party!

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