-Caveat Lector-
-------- Original Message --------
Subject: War In Colombia
Date: Thu, 7 Oct 1999 22:52:56 -0500 (CDT)
From: Ralph McGehee <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Organization: Institute for Global Communications
To: undisclosed-recipients:;
Opposing War
URGENT ACTION ALERT - OPPOSE MILITARY AID TO COLOMBIA
Danger of Escalating U.S. Involvement in Counterinsurgency War
http://www.wola.org/uadrugs.html
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) October 1999
The United States is embarking on a dangerous new partnership with the
Colombian army, equipping, training and providing intelligence to the army
in the name of counternarcotics operations, with more aid on the way.
However, this aid will only worsen the civil conflict in Colombia, and drag
the United States further into an unwinnable counterinsurgency war. The
Colombian army has the worst human rights record in the hemisphere, and
continues to actively collaborate with murderous paramilitary forces in many
areas of the country. In the past, the U.S. has refused to provide funding
for the army because of human rights concerns. Now, U.S. Drug Czar General
Barry McCaffrey is calling for a $600 million aid package for Colombia,
possibly including hundreds of millions for the army.
Increased military assistance for Latin America will probably come up in
Congress in the form of an emergency supplemental (an aid package that
bypasses the normal foreign aid process) before the end of October. Act
now to let Congress and the administration know that you oppose an increase
in military aid to Colombia.
Escalating aid to the Colombian army will have disastrous consequences in
Colombia and represents a danger for the region as a whole. By designing,
funding, and implementing militarized anti-drug programs, the United States
puts assistance into the hands of human rights violators, strengthens
militaries at the expense of civilian, democratic institutions, and
increasingly involves itself in Colombia's brutal and intractable
counterinsurgency war.
ACTION REQUEST: ENCOURAGE YOUR MEMBERS OF CONGRESS TO:
* Oppose aid to the Colombian army. See talking points below.
* Fund positive programs that will alleviate, not aggravate,
Colombia's crisis, including:
* protection programs for threatened human rights monitors and human
rights education;
* judicial reform to end impunity and drug-related corruption;
* consensus building programs that encourage local and national civil
society and governmental efforts for peace;
* humanitarian aid for the displaced;
* alternative development programs that help small coca growers switch
to legal crops.
Call the congressional switchboard (202/224-3121) for your Senators' and
Representatives' phone numbers and ask to speak to their foreign policy
aides.
_______________________________________________
COLOMBIA OVERVIEW
For more than four decades, Colombia has suffered a brutal civil war.
Parties to Colombia's conflict rarely fight one another, and instead attack
their enemies' alleged sympathizers - most often unarmed civilians. The
impact of this violence is staggering. Colombia has the third largest
internally displaced population in the world. Human rights monitors, labor
unionists, peace leaders, humanitarian workers, Afro-Colombians, and
indigenous peoples are increasingly threatened, displaced by violence,
disappeared, and murdered. Massacres in rural areas are a daily occurrence.
All parties to the conflict - guerrillas, paramilitaries, and security
forces - are responsible for gross violations of human rights and
international humanitarian law. The vast majority - more than 70% - of
human rights violations, however, are carried out by paramilitary forces
often operating with the support of the Colombian security forces.
No one is capable of "winning" this decades-old war. Only negotiations will
bring an end to Colombia's conflict and tragic humanitarian emergency; only
peace and stability will make it possible to effectively reduce drug
production and trafficking. Last August, President Andr�s Pastrana took
office with the promise of seeking a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
He has met with representatives of the FARC and created a demilitarized zone
for peace negotiations in southern Colombia. Many questions remain about
the political will of all parties involved to negotiate peace. The only
certainty is that this process will be long and complicated and will require
the U.S. government's full support.
The United States claims to support peace and development in Colombia. In
reality, however, U.S. policy is undermining efforts for peace.
In public statements, the Clinton administration promotes human rights and
peace and recognizes the need to provide alternatives for peasant farmers
that want to stop growing coca. Yet only $4 million is slated this year for
judicial reform, human rights, and humanitarian programs, and only $5
million is destined for alternative development. No development aid is
provided for peasants growing coca in southern Colombia, whose crops are
destroyed by U.S.-funded pesticide spraying programs. U.S. aid for
development and human rights is less than 5% of the total aid for Colombia -
with more than 95% destined for the security forces (most aid to date has
been provided to the Colombian National Police).
U.S. counternarcotics policies have been a complete failure. They have
worsened the conflict in Colombia without impacting the amount of illegal
drugs coming into the United States. Over the past decade, the U.S.
government has spent a total of one billion dollars to fight drugs in
Colombia, but drug production and trafficking continue to soar. Despite the
strategy's proven failure - last year Colombian coca production increased by
26% - some U.S. officials want to spend even more money, without openly
debating the effectiveness or possible alternatives. Even more troubling is
their willingness to partner with the Colombian army and further involve our
government in Colombia's vicious conflict as a result.
Now, U.S. officials are proposing to increase aid to the Colombian military
for what they call counternarcotics operations. In fact, these army units
are carrying out counterinsurgency operations. The United States justifies
this policy by calling Colombian guerrillas "narco-guerrillas." In fact,
while the guerrillas do profit by taxing drug production, many other groups
in Colombia are much more deeply involved in drug trafficking. According to
the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency, Colombian paramilitary organizations
linked to the Colombian armed forces are directly involved in drug
trafficking - a fact ignored by the current policy. And there is no
evidence that drug trafficking into the United States would be reduced even
if the guerrillas could be defeated on the battlefield.
We must call on our government to support human rights and peace
negotiations in Colombia - in word and deed. By funding Colombia's army,
however, the United States is escalating the conflict and contributing to
violence and suffering. Now is the time to prevent the United States from
becoming involved in this quagmire.
_______________________________________________
PARTIES TO COLOMBIA'S CONFLICT:
GUERRILLAS: Approximately 20,000 combatants compose the two largest
guerrilla groups, the FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) and ELN
(National Liberation Army). The FARC maintains territorial control in key
coca-growing regions in southern Colombia, taxing coca cultivation and
cocaine production to fund its war effort. The ELN maintains a strategic
base in key oil-producing areas in the northeastern part of the country.
Each is responsible for widespread violations of international humanitarian
law, including extra-judicial executions, forced recruitment of minors, and
kidnappings. FARC guerrillas killed 3 U.S. indigenous rights activists this
year.
PARAMILITARIES: Paramilitary groups - armed civilians operating with the
support of local military commanders in many areas of Colombia - are
responsible for more than 70% of human rights violations in Colombia. There
are considerable regional differences between these groups, but they united
in 1996 as the AUC, United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia. Paramilitaries
are currently targeting human rights workers and government judicial
officials investigating human rights cases, as well as civil society leaders
supporting the peace process. They also carry out massacres of unarmed
peasants in areas they hope to control, forcing many thousands to flee their
homes. Many paramilitary leaders, including their public spokesman Carlos
Castano, are involved in drug trafficking.
COLOMBIAN SECURITY FORCES: The Colombian army has one of the worst human
rights records in the hemisphere, largely due to their ongoing collaboration
with paramilitary violence. U.S. funding to the army has declined in recent
years because of human rights concerns. The Colombian government dismissed
three generals for their links with paramilitary groups, but these steps
have yet to be followed by the necessary institutional reforms. The United
States has provided high levels of funding for the Colombian National Police
as part of counternarcotics programs. Following a major reform effort in
1995, the human rights performance of the police has improved; however,
there are ongoing concerns about police participation in human rights
violations.
_______________________________________________
TALKING POINTS: OPPOSE ANTI-DRUG FUNDING FOR COLOMBIAN MILITARY
THE COLOMBIAN ARMY REMAINS ABUSIVE AND UNACCOUNTABLE.
Three generals have been retired because of evidence of participation in
human rights abuses, but the army harbors many other officers linked to
serious human rights violations. Other military officers who have been
involved in human rights violations - even some officers who have been found
guilty in civilian courts - remain on active duty. For example, two
officers involved in the assassination of a Colombian Senator in 1994 remain
on duty. In many regions, human rights groups report ongoing links between
local military commanders and paramilitary groups, and that the Colombian
security forces have done little to protect the civilian population from
paramilitary violence.
THE COLOMBIAN MILITARY - ESPECIALLY THE ARMY - CONTINUES TO COOPERATE WITH
ILLEGAL PARAMILITARY GROUPS, WHICH ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR ATTACKS AGAINST THE
CIVILIAN POPULATION AND ARE ALSO INVOLVED IN DRUG TRAFFICKING.
According to the 1998 State Department human rights report:
* "Credible allegations of cooperation with paramilitary groups,
including instances of both silent support and direct collaboration by
members of the armed forces, in particular the army, continued [in 1998]."
* "Some local army and police commanders tacitly tolerated - and
sometimes aided and abetted - the activities of paramilitary groups.... At
times, individual commanders and troops at local levels armed, coordinated
actions with, or shared intelligence with paramilitary groups, although such
behavior was less pervasive than in previous years."
A CLOSER U.S. RELATIONSHIP WITH THE COLOMBIAN MILITARY - WHETHER THROUGH
TRAINING OR SHARED INTELLIGENCE - MAY LEAD TO INCREASED HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES
AND WILL DIRECTLY INVOLVE THE UNITED STATES IN COUNTERINSURGENCY OPERATIONS.
In June the General Accounting Office revealed that the United States is now
sharing intelligence with the Colombian military despite a lack of
mechanisms "to ensure that it is not being used for other than
counternarcotics purposes." General McCaffrey would like to see even more
intelligence sharing - $40 million of his $600 million proposed aid package
for Colombia would go toward "Regional Intelligence Programs."
In 1990, however, changes in Colombia's military intelligence apparatus -
based upon recommendations from U.S. military advisors - led to clandestine
intelligence networks that functioned as paramilitary death squads. One of
these, Naval Intelligence Network No. 7, was responsible for the murder of
more than 50 civilians.
THE DANGER OF U.S. INVOLVEMENT IN COLOMBIA'S COUNTERINSURGENCY WAR LOOMS
CLOSER THAN EVER.
* During their Washington visit, the Colombian Defense Minister and
Commander in Chief requested counterinsurgency assistance from Washington,
not just anti-drug aid.
* With increased frequency, General McCaffrey and congressional drug
warriors refer to the Colombian insurgents as "narco-guerrillas," asserting
that the United States must help the Colombian military fight the insurgency
in order to "win the drug war." McCaffrey also stated on July 16 that it is
"silly at this point" to try to differentiate between anti-drug efforts and
the war against insurgents.
* A recent report by the General Accounting Office reveals that the
United States shares intelligence with the Colombian military - even though
its use may not be limited to counternarcotics operations.
* Five American soldiers killed in the plane crash in Colombia on July
23 were performing joint surveillance with Colombian military in
guerrilla-controlled territory. The incident raises questions about the
extent of the U.S. military's role in Colombia, where it maintains
approximately 200 troops.
* This year the U.S. military is training and equipping a 1,000-man
counternarcotics battalion within the Colombian army. The aid received by
this battalion will contribute enormously to the army's counterinsurgency
efforts. The intended area of operations is the southern coca-growing
region - traditionally a FARC stronghold - and the training will include
general combat skills not specific to anti-drug operations.
* The United States is providing training and assistance to the
"Special Forces Battalion," which is involved in counter-insurgency
operations throughout the country.
ANTI-DRUG AID FOR THE COLOMBIAN MILITARY WOULD BE BETTER SPENT ON
HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE AND PROGRAMS TO PROMOTE DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT.
Even without emergency infusions of anti-drug funding, this year our
government will spend more than $230 million on counternarcotics aid to
Colombia, primarily to the military and police. Yet less than $10 million
will be spent on alternative development, judicial reform, law enforcement
efforts, and human rights programs, with only one million dollars for
Colombia's 1.5 million internal refugees. This aid imbalance doesn't just
ignore Colombia's dire human rights situation and immediate humanitarian
crisis - it exacerbates them.
Anti-drug budgets are ballooning across Latin America, diverting funds from
programs that promote democracy, economic development, and human rights -
programs that, in the long run, will do more to curb drug production and
trafficking than supporting abusive and unaccountable militaries. Despite
pressing needs to address severe poverty and inequality in Latin America,
economic assistance to the region has been cut by two-thirds over the past
decade. During that time, anti-drug funding has more than tripled.
_______________________________________________
RESOURCES
Washington Office on Latin America
202/797-2171
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://www.wola.org
"U.S. International Drug Control Policy: A Guide to Citizen Action"
http://www.wola.org/drugsguide.htm
Latin America Working Group
202/546-7010
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://www.lawg.org
US/Colombia Coordinating Office
Phone: 202/232-8090 Fax: 202-232-8092
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
****** This alert was written by the Washington Office
on Latin America (WOLA). It is available online at
http://www.wola.org/uadrugs.html
Please feel free to distribute and post where appropriate.
Do not edit its contents nor remove identifying material
without permission. For more information, contact WOLA
at (202) 797-2171 or [EMAIL PROTECTED] ******
THE WASHINGTON OFFICE ON LATIN AMERICA
The Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) promotes human rights,
democracy and social and economic justice in Latin America and the
Caribbean. WOLA facilitates dialogue between governmental and
non-governmental actors, monitors the impact of policies and programs of
governments and international organizations, and promotes alternatives
through reporting, education, training and advocacy. Founded in 1974 by a
coalition of religious and civic leaders, WOLA works closely with civil
society organizations and government officials throughout the hemisphere.
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
1630 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 200
Washington, DC 20009
Tel: 202/797-2171
Fax: 202/797-2172
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://www.wola.org
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