-Caveat Lector-

From
http://www.ahram.org.eg/weekly/1999/455/op5.htm

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Believing in conspiracy theory
By Tarek Heggy

One issue that has captured my interest for some years now is the prevalence in
Arab societies in general, including Egypt, of conspiracy theory. As far as
many millions of Egyptians and Arabs are concerned, the following propositions
have become virtual articles of faith:

The blueprint for our recent history and present reality was drawn up by the
great powers, and what we are now living through is the product of their
machinations; the powers responsible for this grand design were Britain and
France in the past and the United States, aided and abetted by its prot�g�,
Israel, in the recent past and the present; these plans were prepared in great
detail by the great powers, leaving those at the receiving end little room to
manoeuvre; accordingly, we bear very little responsibility for what happened in
the past, what is happening in the present and indeed, according to some, for
what will happen in the future.

A paradox worth studying is that this view is shared to varying degrees by very
disparate groups. Islamists in general (the Muslim Brothers, Al-Gama'a Al-
Islamiya, Al-Jihad and even the most moderate of the Islamist trends) believe
profoundly in the propositions that make up conspiracy theory. Socialists of
every stripe, from Marxists to Nasserists, also subscribe to conspiracy theory,
albeit less rigidly than the Islamists; for, while they believe in the theory
and the propositions on which it is based, their belief is not shrouded in what
a spirit of militancy, nor grounded in anti-Christian sentiment. Of course,
this difference is due to the theocratic ethos of the Islamist groups and the
more scientific, progressive and modern spirit of socialist ideas, even if the
failure of those ideas to achieve their aims proves that they are inherently
flawed. The third and final group is made up of ordinary citizens. Most are
inclined to believe in conspiracy theory and to accept the validity of the
propositions on which it rests without question.

Still, the three groups frame their respective views of conspiracy theory in
very different terms. The Islamists consider that the history of the region is
that of a conflict between Islam and the Judaeo-Christian world. As far as they
are concerned, the Crusades never ended; now, they are simply being waged off
the battlefield. The socialist group views matters from the perspective of the
struggle between the forces of imperialism and the oppressed and exploited
peoples of the world. As for the multitude of ordinary citizens, they reflect
the climate created by the media. In societies not characterised by a high
level of education and culture, the media can be used to brainwash the public.

In fact, the sources on which the three groups base their belief in the
conspiracy theory have no basis in fact, history or logic. The history of the
peoples of our region would have been the same, including their subjugation by
Western colonialism, had the region been part of the Christian world. The West
did not colonise us because we were Muslims, but for quite different reasons.
We were backward and hence susceptible to foreign domination. The whole
colonial enterprise was motivated in the first instance by economic
considerations, and, to a lesser degree, by cultural, or "civilisational",
considerations.

Those who maintain that our Muslim heritage was the reason we were colonised
conveniently forget the reign of the Ottoman sultanate, when the Arab peoples
were subjected to the worst kinds of abuse by their Muslim colonial masters.
Throughout the 18th century, our ancestors were in a deplorable state of
backwardness. We had been locked in mediaeval backwardness for over six
centuries before the Zionist movement emerged as a political force capable of
affecting events in any way.

Though in many ways wrong, the socialist reading of our history is right to
approach the issue from an economic perspective. The economic factor was the
driving force behind the West's imperialist ambitions in the region. But this
was within a framework quite different from that of conspiracy theory.
As for the ordinary citizens enamoured of conspiracy theory, their logic is in
a way understandable. Even the most outlandish statement, repeated often
enough, can come to be accepted as true, especially in a society where half the
population is illiterate and the other half displays only a very modest
standard of education and culture.

The real issue is that most of those who subscribe to conspiracy theory know
very little about the nature and mechanisms of the capitalist economy. The
essence of capitalism is competition, a notion which means many things, some
wholesome, others unhealthy. Given that all the ideological alternatives to the
market economy have failed lamentably, however, we must not let our nostalgia
or our emotional reaction to certain aspects of capitalism drive us back into
the world of socialist ideas. Experience has proved that socialism is not a
viable system.

Competition works to the benefit of individuals and the enhancement of their
quality of life because, by definition, it leads to a process of constant
upgrading of products and services, which in turn often leads to a reduction in
their cost. On the negative side, it sometimes deteriorates into vicious
struggles among producers. Unless we understand this aspect of competition well
and accept that it is an inevitable if unfortunate feature of the market
economy, unless we devise a strategy to deal with it as a fact of life, we will
not attain any of our goals.

This competition, one of the main cornerstones of a market economy, was
responsible for the wars that tore Europe apart in the last three centuries,
indeed, for the two world wars this century has witnessed. But after centuries
of fighting amongst themselves, the Europeans came to realise that the
advantages of putting an end to the strife that had convulsed their continent
greatly outweighed the advantages of allowing a spirit of competition to
continue ruling their lives. And so competition in its extreme form was
displaced into other arenas. The rationale now governing competition in Europe
is mutual coexistence and consensus on a framework of checks and balances in
which competition operates.

In an economic system based on competition, the strategic interest of the
producer, or seller, is to remain a seller while ensuring that the buyer of his
products or services remains a buyer as long as possible. This simple principle
is the essence of the aspect of competition many in our part of the world
regard as indicative of a conspiracy. Although in a way it does resemble a
conspiracy, it is very different in terms of motivation and the rules which
determine its inner workings. This law operates within advanced industrial
societies. Its application outside those societies is also inevitable.

In other words, the economic system in force in the advanced industrial
countries is based on conflicts fuelled by competition, which manifest
themselves in endless attempts to capture the largest possible share of the
market. The terminology and practices of modern management sciences serve
competition in its various aspects (both positive and negative). Some of the
notions that have become part of the lexicon of these sciences in the
contemporary world are tailored essentially to serve the interests of the big
fish who, by applying them, can successfully swallow the small fish.

The big fish eats the small fish; furthermore, the swift and efficient fish
will gobble up those that are less swift and efficient. The huge conglomerates
that have emerged in the past 20 years attest to the validity of this new law.
There is no hope, after the demise of socialism, of replacing these laws with
laws that can ensure success, abundance and the avoidance of these aberrations
(for those who regard them as such).

Even the most widely-read and highly cultured intellectual would be unable to
fully grasp these new realities if his cultural formation is based exclusively
on a familiarity with the human and social sciences, with no knowledge of
management, marketing and human resources. If his cultural baggage does not
include a working knowledge of these contemporary sciences, he will be unable
to grasp the essence of these laws. What he knows belongs in a museum.
Unfortunately, a number of Third World intellectuals know a great deal, but
their knowledge does not extend to new areas. Still, these intellectuals
continue to engage in lengthy debates, using obsolete terms of reference that
confirm that they are unable to comprehend what is happening around them. These
obsolete frames of reference are obstacles in the way of society's ability to
take the only means of transportation that can carry it to the desired
destination.

The unshakable belief in conspiracy theory that seems to have taken hold of the
Arabs is based on a number of fundamental principles. It proceeds from the
assumption that, while the conspirators enjoy absolute freedom of action when
it comes to exercising their will, the parties conspired against are totally
devoid of that prerogative. This endows the former with the attributes of
motivation, determination, will and the ability to make things happen while
stripping the latter of all these attributes, reducing them to objects rather
than subjects.

It denies the parties conspired against any nationalist sentiment, attributing
it exclusively to the conspirators.

It makes the conspirators legendary figures in the minds of those who consider
themselves victims.

It assumes that there is no way the parties conspired against can foil the
stratagems of the conspirators, making for a defeatist and passive attitude
that runs counter to pride, self-dignity and the notion that nations, like men,
can shape their own destiny.

I am profoundly convinced that human history is made up of a series of
conflicts and that, moreover, the world stage today is the setting for numerous
bitter and major conflicts. But conflict and conspiracy are two different
notions. Conflict means persistent efforts by given parties to maintain
whatever edge they enjoy over others, or even to expand that edge and the
privileges and advantages that go with it. But it also means that
contradictions are played out in a game that proceeds according to certain
rules, which differ from one era to the next, so that whoever wants to achieve
a position of any prominence must wage the conflict with the tools and
according to the rules that will guarantee optimal results. Of course, conflict
is a relatively more open game than conspiracy. Placing matters in the context
of a conflict game encourages people to draw on their inner resources and to
enter the game as active participants bent on affecting its outcome to their
advantage. Belief in the conspiracy theory as the driving force of history, on
the other hand, encourages people to adopt a passive attitude in the belief
that they have no choice but to bow to the inevitable.

Another disastrous aspect of the rampant belief in the general conspiracy
theory is related to undemocratic rulers like some of those now in power in the
Third World. The undemocratic ruler contributes with his statements and
information media to consecrating the belief in conspiracy theory, which is a
useful fig-leaf behind which he can hide his own shortcomings. It allows him to
blame the problems and hardships faced by his people, and his inability to
respond to their aspirations, on outside elements rather than on the real
reason, which is the absence of democracy and the existence of rulers like
himself who are usually not the most efficient, capable, honest and cultured
members of the society they represent.

Nations can only wage a global conflict successfully if they are properly
equipped; if their leaders are men of vision operating in a climate of
democracy through cadres characterised by a high degree of efficiency, ability,
honesty and culture.

Although I have absolutely no doubt that the proponents of conspiracy theory
are in fact nationalists who want only the best for their country and people,
the sad fact is that, in the final analysis, their absolute belief makes them
defeatists and advocates of the line of least resistance, which is to bemoan
their lot without making a serious effort to do anything about it.

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