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Peace at any cost is a prelude to war!

 APOCALYPSE NOW
The great betrayal Laos' Hmong tribe faces death in forced repatriation

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By Anthony C. LoBaido
� 1999 WorldNetDaily.com

Editor's note: This is the first of an exclusive three-part investigative
series by WorldNetDaily's roving international correspondent Anthony C.
LoBaido. During the past year, LoBaido has traveled throughout Thailand and
Laos, at considerable personal risk, documenting the plight of Laos' Hmong
tribesmen -- including former CIA Special Forces soldiers who fought
side-by-side with American soldiers during the Vietnam war. Among the most
Christianized of the hill tribes in Southeast Asia, the Hmong have been the
object of great persecution by both the Stalinist government of Laos and the
Communist government of Vietnam. But their biggest betrayal of all is still
coming -- from the United States government and the United Nations. Until
now, no reporter from any other news organization worldwide has been willing
or able to document this important story.



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NAKHON PHANOM, Thailand -- An old Hmong woman sobbed hysterically, burying
her face in the hands of her young granddaughter. The United Nations High
Commission on Refugees had made its final decision: The woman and her entire
extended family would be forcibly repatriated to Communist-ruled Laos -- at
gunpoint if necessary -- by the men in the blue berets.
Three monks gather
in the formerly peaceful
Buddhist Laos.

"No, oh my God, no!" the woman sobbed over and over again. "They're going to
kill us all!"

That was the scene at the Ban Napho camp Sept. 29, where U.N. staff had just
finished conducting the last of its "interviews" to determine which Hmong
(pronounced "mung") families would be forced to return to Laos.

Although 1999 has been designated officially as "Visit Laos Year," few
knowledgeable observers are shocked at the Hmong's reluctance to return to
their native land.

The Hmong are hated by the power brokers in the Stalinist government that
rules Laos today. This hatred is rooted in the Hmong's legendary role in
aiding the French colonialists during the Indochina War of the 1950s, and, a
decade later, in their having fought alongside the American forces during the
Vietnam war. The Hmong were portrayed, although somewhat crudely, in the 1979
Francis Ford Coppola film, "Apocalypse Now."

Today, the Hmong are a besieged people on many fronts. Both medical and
military experts claim that the ruling government of Laos has used
Russian-made biochemical weapons against the Hmong. UNICEF, the United
Nations Children's Fund, currently is engaging in population control efforts
against the tribe, trying to limit members to three children per family. And
worst of all, the Hmong have found themselves abandoned by the U.S. State
Department, CIA and Pentagon -- their former patrons. Far from being given a
homeland and preferential treatment, as promised, for their past allegiance
and military service to America, they are being forced to return to a nation
that considers them less than human -- to a fate of almost certain
extermination.
WorldNetDaily reporter
Anthony LoBaido at the legendary --
and heavily landmined --
Plain of Jars near Ponsavan, in Laos.

How did this happen?

An amazing and tortured story, it all began when U.S. Army Special Forces
soldier Carl Bernard, an experienced infantry captain, was posted to Laos in
1961 with the "White Star Mobile Training Team" from the Army's Special
Forces at Fort Bragg.

"The Hmong are rugged mountain people who were trained by the CIA in Special
Forces units during the 1960s and 1970s," recalled Bernard. He was the point
man on the CIA-U.S. Army's official mission to recruit and train the Hmong to
fight against the Communist Viet Cong. Just why was the Army recruiting
native hill tribesmen to fight?

Having served in China with the Marines in 1945-46, Bernard was extremely
knowledgeable on the long-running regional conflict due to his extensive
contacts with French officers involved in the French-Indochina War.

In particular, Bernard was impressed with the explanation of the way
Communist China's forces were able to contain, conquer and then convert those
of anti-Maoist Chiang Kai-shek into the formidable units that caused the U.S.
such staggering losses in the Korean War.

Bernard understood that the United States would need the support of the
ethnic hill tribes of Indochina to win the Vietnam war. While the conflict
was conventional in nature, there were also unconventional aspects to the war
that would definitely swing the balance of the final outcome.
Elephants swimming
in the Mekong Delta.

"Army officials had expressed concern to then-President John F. Kennedy about
Laos, an unknown country, becoming the first domino in the line," said
Bernard in an interview with WorldNetDaily. Therefore, Bernard's own 12-man
team was assigned in the northern section of the country with half of them
posted to the Hmong, overlooking the Plain of Jars, and the other half
assisting in the training of the Lao Royal Army in Luang Prabang.

The French advisers still present were focused only on providing operational
advice and assistance. By this time, the French Foreign Legion had been
defeated in Indochina by the forerunners of the Viet Cong, and had retreated
to fight other battles in North Africa on behalf of the evaporating French
empire. If the former French colonies of Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia were to
remain aligned with the West, it was up to Bernard, his fledgling mountain
fighters and the American war machine.

"I had the chance to travel extensively with Vang Pao, who had always served
as the chief of the Hmong forces. Also traveling with us were senior members
of the Royal Army," Bernard recalled.

Detailed reports from his visits -- on many of which he was the sole "round
eye" present -- provided a perspective often criticized as making America's
policies look doomed to failure.

The U.S. Embassy transformed numerous unfavorable reports about the war into
something that evolved into Saigon's "Five O'clock Follies" -- fractured and
flawed news reports on the war situation. Yet, the content of these reports
-- with no sources contradicting their message -- was adequate to mislead
Washington's decision makers into believing that a successful and very
inexpensive war effort was being waged, using ignorant and innocent mountain
people.

The death of each Hmong Special Forces soldier in the "secret war" in Laos
meant one less body bag coming back to the U.S. This was important to
Washington, since each American body bag carried with it a political price
tag, as the American public grew weary of the war effort.

But the war was to drag on for years. "The military industrial complex didn't
want to bring the Vietnam war to a swift end," said one Western military
attache based in Laos' capitol of Vientiane.
A young Hmong girl
and her baby sister
at a Hmong refugee camp
in Thailand.

"Bell Helicopter and Dow Chemical were making millions in aircraft and Agent
Orange. The elites running the war didn't want to accept that a bunch of
half-assed mountain boys like the Hmong could actually turn the tide of the
war," he said. "But they took out at least half of all Soviet and Red Chinese
supplies headed for the Viet Cong along the Ho Chi Min trail."

So, while the policy makers in the White House and Pentagon debated the
merits and viability of the Hmong Special Forces operation, the Hmong fought
on with a scarcely believable tenacity.

Yet, they paid a huge price for their allegience to the American forces. The
Hmong were destined to lose one quarter of their entire population, and knew
no more of evolving U.S. policies (their eventual betrayal) and practices
(fighting to "lose the war" and negotiate a "peace" and eventual withdrawal)
than did their mentors from the U.S. Special Forces.

Meanwhile, Bernard was promoted to major and returned to Fort Bragg with his
team after just six months in Laos. Gen. William P. Yarborough, commander of
the Special Forces Warfare Center, agreed that more than perfunctory language
and area training were required to help the Hmong hill tribes. Yarborough
authorized Bernard to visit anthropology and sociology departments at Duke
and the University of North Carolina to determine what could be done to teach
soldiers to cross cultures.

"Sadly, the interest of the 'real Army' in such exotic ways to become more
effective in the field remained very low. Its real focus was on stopping the
Warsaw Pact from invading Western Europe, not fighting land wars in Asia,"
lamented Bernard.

As Bernard's time in Vietnam neared its end, he penned a final report on the
bipolar strategies of the Pentagon and Viet Cong. In it, he wrote, "The U.S.
continues to concentrate the bulk of resources and military might on
controlling the terrain and looking for massed enemy formations. The Viet
Cong continues to concentrate its talents on controlling the people. Each
succeeds."

Despite the success of the Hmong in attacking the Viet Cong's supply lines in
southern Laos, or the horrendous losses they had suffered in the process,
Bernard did not realize how deep their betrayal by the U.S. State Department
would go.

"The Hmong were expecting that their combat support of the Laos government's
American allies would earn them treatment as full citizens. They did not fail
as Special Forces soldiers in the field. Their only 'failure' was believing
in the Americans' ability to win the war and keep their word," says Bernard.

"The CIA agents who had given them guarantees of their place in the long-term
plans of the United States did not have the authority to do this, nor the
means to carry out what they promised. These men knew so little of the
conflicting Laos and Hmong cultures that their promises were both confused
and impossible to fulfill. Yet the Hmong thought of themselves as an American
army and believed they would be taken care of."

"Their betrayal is a horrible shame to the United States. It sets a bad
example for any potential allies America might well need to fight on our side
in a future war. The Kurds come to mind," said Bernard.

Today, the plight of the Hmong is rapidly intensifying.

Since the mid-'70s, the Hmong have lived in refugee camps on the Thai-Laos
border. But since 1980, over 24,000 Laotians have been sent back to Laos from
Thai refugee camps. Some 324,172 have been repatriated to Western nations
like Australia, New Zealand, France and the United States -- nations that
have sent forces to fight in Indochina since World War II.
Fading sign of the Laos Democratic Republic, featuring the Soviet hammer and
sickle, industrial worker, peasant woman and headless business man.

But the most current issue pressing the Hmong people involves those still
languishing at the Ban Napho camp. The U.N. High Commission on Refugees has
stated it will cut off all funding for the Hmong by Dec. 31, 1999. Two more
"final redeployments" are expected by that time -- that is, the U.N. will
send the rest of the camp's Hmong back to Laos in two final groups before
year end.

For its part, the Loatian Communist government says it will accept only
voluntary returnees, but the refugees say their lives are in danger if they
return.

"The Pathet Lao fear a right-wing, Christian, anti-Communist movement by the
Hmong," explained Baylor University's award-winning filmmaker, Dr. Michael
Korpi. "The Pathet Lao word for the Hmong, 'Meo,' means 'less than human' --
and the government will kill them with impunity as it has in the past."
Korpi's documentary film, "City of Refuge," about the repatriated Hmong now
living in Iowa, has received international acclaim.

Thus, it was no surprise that Thailand's government deployed over 1,000
anti-riot police to help quell the hour-long riot that broke out within the
Ban Napho camp on the morning of Sept. 29.

Western journalists were not permitted to enter the camp and speak with the
Hmong, but WorldNetDaily did manage to enter undercover and interview a
number of the Hmong people there.

"More than 20 of our soldiers have escaped this camp," one Hmong man told
WorldNetDaily. "They have been identified as anti-Communists and face certain
death upon their return to our homeland."

Those who returned to Laos were given "care packages" of personal health care
items and a relocation allowance of one hundred U.S. dollars. According to
Lao Communist government officials, the returnees were scheduled to live for
the time being at a temporary facility near the village of Ban Na Saat in
Khmmouane province.

But few Hmong are willing to take the Communist Pathet Lao regime at its
word.

For example, the Oct. 8 edition of the Communist Party-controlled Vientiane
Times said, "The (Sept. 29) repatriation movement took place peacefully and
smoothly."
Hmong refugees, forced back to Laos
at gunpoint by the United Nations army
and Thai anti-riot police,
begin their sad journey "home."

In reality, the exact opposite was the case. The repatriation, carried out by
the U.N., Thai government and Pathet Lao Communists, caused a full-scale
riot. It was, in fact, only the first in a series of deceptions that likely
will lead to the death of many of the other 1,064 Hmong being held in the Ban
Napho camp.

"In this age of global media, who wonders at how this final liquidation can
be taking place? It is a symbol of the agenda of the United Nations, Clinton
administration and U.S. State Department -- hatred of Christians and
anti-Communists," charged Korpi.

In the end, many Americans might be left wondering how a pantheon of U.S.
administrations all could have failed so completely one of America's most
courageous and loyal allies.

Bernard cites the "shameful avoidance of any responsibility for the betrayal
of the Hmong by the Nixon administration, itself focused on getting on with
the Chinese. Hence they were unwilling to be diverted for the obligations of
this powerless element. Soon after, Jimmy Carter's ability to understand our
use of the Hmong was thwarted by the elements of the CIA avoiding
responsibility for their situation and keeping the situation covered up as
well as they could."

Bernard adds, "The disgraceful repatriation of the Hmong to Laos has shamed
our nation since its beginning. It is not a secret, only proof of the power
of inertia."

Although the U.S. did repatriate thousands of Hmong back to mid-western U.S.
states when the war turned bad, there simply wasn't enough room in the
lifeboat. Of those who were brought to the U.S., Bernard said, "the older
Hmong in the U.S.A. still hope to return to their beloved hills in the north.
Their younger elements are making Americans of themselves."

Today, scores of eligible Hmong living in the U.S. are not receiving the same
military benefits as our own combat veterans, even though many of them fought
as U.S. combat infantrymen for 10-plus years. Many Americans who fought in
the Vietnam war as combat infantrymen were there for only six months.
Pathet Lao victory monument

"I believe that the Hmong will never quit fighting the Pathet Lao -- not now,
not ever," said Korpi.

Nina Morrision, a former CIA pilot for Air America in Laos during the Vietnam
war adds, "I love the Hmong people. And in the hills of Laos, among the
clouds, there are many great stories of bravery and betrayal."

For the Hmong people, it would appear that their half-century-old nightmare
of warfare and betrayal is only beginning.




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This is the first installment of Anthony C. LoBaido's three-part
investigative report, "Apocalypse Now." In Part 2, follow LoBaido on a
dangerous mission through Laos to document the status of the forcibly
repatriated Hmong. Traveling through the ancient Plain of Jars and past the
glittering Buddhist temples of this former French colony, LoBaido uncovers
widespread persecution of both Hmong and Western Christian believers in Laos,
and also highlights the American-based Hmong resistance movement and its
recent gains and losses in its Stalinist motherland.

In Part 3, travel with LoBaido through a dangerous and flood-ridden North
Vietnam, where he exposes the Communist government's fear of the Hmong, and
the Hmong's massive turn towards Christianity. All three parts are
accompanied by exclusive photos taken by Anthony LoBaido.



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