-Caveat Lector-
At least three of the four people whom Dan White intended
to kill on the night he assassinated San Francisco's Mayor
George Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk --the third, Willie
Brown (currently Mayor), excused himself only minutes before
White arrived to "hit" the others-- were loyal political allies of
JIM JONES, who had engineered a voter fraud campaign
to get all these Democrats elected.
Moscone and Milk remained loyal to Jim Jones, speaking in
his defense EVEN AFTER NEWS OF THE JONESTOWN MASSACRE. (Even
after Moscone learned that his friend Leo Ryan had died in it!)
"Loyal," that is, until only 9 days later -- when both were
assassinated by Dan White, who believed them to be part of a
"cabal" in San Francisco "masterminded" by Willie Brown --
meaning, perhaps, by JIM JONES?
To the dismay of all concerned, Willie Brown CONTINUED to
defend Jim Jones even long afterward.
Brown manuevered his protege, Diane Feinstein (now Senator),
into power as Mayor succeeding the murdered Moscone -- marking
the ascent to full power of the gay community in San Francisco,
following a violent citywide "homosexual riot" called WHITE
NIGHT, triggered by news of Dan White (killer of "gay martyr"
Milk) being found guilty only of "manslaughter," not murder.
Oddly, Jim Jones (who had been responsible for victims
Moscone and Milk holding office in San Francisco) had called HIS
reign of terror --the Jonestown mass-murders-- WHITE NIGHT ...
_______________________________________________________________
JIM JONES AND THE CALIFORNIA COVER-UP
by Kathleen Kinsolving and Tom Kinsolving
<conclusion>
December, 1975. San Francisco.
Former State Senator George Moscone, who was running against
Republican John Barbagelata for San Francisco mayor, won in a
run-off election by 4,000 votes. A few months before his narrow
victory, Moscone contacted JIM JONES, who was busy courting
elected officials.
Moscone and campaign manager Don Bradley needed a great deal
of help if they were to beat Barbagelata. A meeting was held in
Bradley's office with Jones and Michael Prokes, in which Moscone
requested Temple volunteers.
Jones provided Moscone a small army of campaign workers that
worked the city's tough precincts. In a December 16 phone
conversation taped and transcribed by Michael Prokes, "Moscone
acknowledges in essence that we won him the election" and that
"he promises J. an appointment."
It was reported after the Jonestown massacre that Temple
members were bussed in from Redwood Valley and fraudulently
registered as San Francisco residents. As many as 5,000 members
cast ballots, outnumbering voters on the rosters.
Barbagelata suspected voter fraud and heard testimony to
confirm this. He turned over several allegations to District
Attorney Joseph Freitas, who had just been elected alongside
Moscone. Freitas had created a special elections crime unit, and
had hired a supervising attorney to head it. His choice was none
other than [Jim Jones' attorney] Timothy Stoen ...
As a result of Stoen's "investigation", a few token
convictions for election violations were filed. The People's
Temple was not even mentioned.
A month after the Jonestown massacre, state and federal
agencies requested records to investigate the alleged voter
fraud. All were missing ...
August, 1976.
The San Francisco Board of Supervisors, realizing that Jones
was one of several Housing Authority nominees, requested that
Moscone have all prospects receive background checks.
Instead, Moscone turned the matter over to a nominating
committee that included Jones's chief aide Michael Prokes and Dr.
Carleton Goodlett, who in 1974 awarded Jones a Citizen of Merit
Award. Jones's candidacy was rubber-stamped.
To insure success, then-state assemblyman Willie Brown
introduced legislation to alter appointment procedure to the
housing authority commission. The resolution was a ploy to
remove any decision-making from the Board of Supervisors and turn
that power over to the mayor. The Board, desperate to maintain
the status quo, caved in and voted unanimously for Jones in
October, 1976.
Willie Brown was one of Jones's staunchest supporters. He
served as master of ceremonies at a testimonial dinner for Jones
in September 1976, where he introduced the cult figure as "a
combination of Martin King, Angela Davis, Albert Einstein, and
Chairman Mao."
Jones provided his own compliment one day as Brown spoke
before the Temple congregation. Sitting behind the assemblyman,
the good Reverend impulsively flipped his middle finger in
mockery.
Brown was one of many who wrote endorsements for Jones
during the Temple exodus to Guyana: "He is a rare human being",
wrote Brown, "he cares about people ... Rev. Jim Jones is that
person who can be helpful when all appears to be lost and hope is
just about gone."
January, 1977.
On Martin Luther King's birthday, the Temple held a special
memorial service. At Jones's invitation, California governor
Jerry Brown shared the pulpit. Also in attendance were State
Senator Milton Marks, Mayor Moscone, and Ben Brown, a member of
President Carter's Transition Team.
"We are pleased and honored that you will be with us .. .to
accept Glide's 4th Annual Martin Luther King Jr. Humanitarian
Award", the Rev. Cecil Williams wrote to Jones, "in recognition
of your leadership to many communities of people."
Pastor of Glide Memorial Methodist Church, Rev. Williams
presented this coveted honor to Jones at the height of the
Temple's power in San Francisco, two years after People's Temple
made a $6,500 contribution to William's organization.
Like so many others, Williams fell victim to the cult's
populist facade, and its financial rewards.
Williams, along with many supporters, attended a special
meeting at the Temple, when an expose of Jones appeared six
months later in New West magazine.
June, 1977.
"The atmosphere at New West magazine these days resembles a
military encampment under siege" wrote the Examiner's W.E. Barnes
in his article "Yet-to-be printed story builds a storm."
What Wells, Kinsolving and Pickering had suffered resurfaced
at the magazine. Relentless phone calls, letters, and threats
started flooding New West's San Francisco offices. There was even
a break-in at one point, echoing Kinsolving's burglary five years
earlier.
The expose, "Inside People's Temple", was written by
Marshall Kilduff and Phil Tracy. Kilduff was a Chronicle
reporter, but the newspaper's city editor Steve Gavin discouraged
the expose from being published. Kilduff was forced to go
elsewhere.
Gavin, like his predecessor Mellinkoff, was aligned with
Jones; in fact, when Kilduff visited Temple Sunday services,
Gavin was seated in the front row.
Kilduff and Tracy collaborated with freelance reporter
George Klineman, who introduced the two journalists to several
defectors that described life inside the Temple as "a mixture of
Spartan regimentation, fear, and self-imposed humiliation."
Accounts included a teenage girl being beaten in front of the
congregation, 75 times with a large wooden paddle, and a man
being vomited and urinated on.
July, 1977.
"When somebody like Jim Jones comes on the scene ... and
constantly stresses the need for freedom of speech and equal
justice under law for all people, that absolutely scares the hell
out of most everybody ... I will be here when you are under
attack, because what you are about is what the whole system ought
to be about!"
These words of unwavering allegiance were spoken by Willie
Brown at the Temple after the New West expose hit the stands.
Other supporters in attendance were fellow state assemblyman Art
Agnos, Rev. Cecil Williams, NAACP President Joe Hall, AIM leader
Dennis Banks, and gay activist Harvey Milk.
Before being elected supervisor, Milk had used Temple
volunteers, wrote endorsement letters, and, in a hand-written
note, told Jones "my name is cut into stone in support of you -
and your people."
Because he almost "fell out of his chair" while reading the
New West expose, Board of Supervisors President Quentin Kopp
urgently requested Mayor Moscone launch an inquiry into the
allegations.
Moscone issued a news release, claiming: "The Mayor's Office
does not and will not conduct any investigation" because the
article was "a series of allegations with absolutely no hard
evidence that the Rev. Jones has violated any laws, either local,
state or federal" and added "I will not comment upon the alleged
practices of the Temple, as it is not my habit to be a religious
commentator."
August, 1977.
The People's Temple's good friend Herb Caen added his
support in asserting that Jones was a "target of a ceaseless
media barrage" and included Mike Prokes' suggestions that "this
campaign against Jim is orchestrated at the highest level,
perhaps FBI or CIA."
While Caen affirmed Jones was "doing the work of the Lord"
in Guyana, horrors occurred at Jonestown, notably to children.
Because Jones forced parents or guardians to sign notarized
releases, he was given legal permission to dole out punishment.
Tracy Parks, a 10 year-old survivor of the Port Kaituma
airstrip shootings, recalled that "Children who said they were
not happy and wanted to go away were severely beaten." It was
also reported that one 12 year-old girl was "kept imprisoned for
weeks in a plywood box three feet wide, four feet high and six
feet long."
For the next 16 months, the individuals allied with Jones
tried to counter the increasing reports of Jonestown atrocities.
In May, 1978, John and Barbara Moore rallied their support for
the Temple, appearing at a press conference as "Positive Parents"
of two Jonestown residents.
The Examiner began another investigation of Jones which,
like the Kinsolving series, appeared on page one. However, when
the paper used the headline "Report of People's Temple Terror"
six months before the massacre, Temple attorney Charles Garry
threatened litigation.
Two weeks later, a correction was printed on page 3: "The
word terror was inappropriate and created a misleading
characterization of the activities of the People's Temple in
Guyana. The Examiner regrets the headline." Such journalistic
cowardice mixed with unscrupulous clergy and politicians, helped
usher in an unspeakable tragedy.
November, 1978.
Hypocrisy and self-righteous posturing prevailed when news
of the massacre arrived.
"Gray skies dripped sadness and sorrow over San Francisco
yesterday", wrote Herb Caen, "Headlines told of tragedy and
madness in steaming jungles ... How to judge the insanity
surrounding the end of Rev. Jim Jones? Who would have
expected THIS?"
Willie Brown stated "he has no regrets" over his past
association with Jones and the People's Temple. Brown also
mentioned he would not try to dissociate himself like so many
other politicians were. "They all like to say, 'Forgive me, I was
wrong', but that's bullshit. It doesn't mean a thing now, it
just isn't relevant."
Famed civil rights activist Jesse Jackson also defended
Jones, stating that "until all the facts are in, he would regard
Jones as a man who 'worked for the people' ... I would hope that
all of the good he did will not be discounted because of this
tremendous tragedy."
Shortly after the massacre, Brenda Ganatos, still holding
ground in Ukiah, was flooded with phone calls from reporters.
They wondered if she had any comment about the murder of
Congressman Ryan and over 900 others. Her response: "Where
were you when we needed you?"
Kinsolving was notified by the FBI of Temple death squads,
and advised by agents that he should arm himself. Weeks later,
the New York Times reported that Tim Stoen "planned the murder of
Lester Kinsolving" and "had even used the District Attorney's
office of Mendocino County" to research "the type of poison that
could be used."
Former supervisor Terry Francois joined others in a picket
line in front of the San Francisco newspaper Sun-Reporter,
protesting editor Carlton Goodlett's remarks in a press
conference that Jones was "a good man" because of what he did for
the black community. One picket sign read "We had a madman in our
midst and you told people he was a saint."
Corey Buscher, former press secretary for George Moscone,
shed a revealing light: "There was a time when, if you were
running for office in San Francisco, and you counted in your
votes the poor, the blacks, or young people, you'd better have
Jones's support."
Moscone, who "proceeded to vomit and cry" when he received
news of the massacre, conceded that "he may have been 'taken in'
by the People's Temple." He insisted, though, that "he was happy
to be photographed with Jones because he needed the support of
the minister's followers.
"But I'm not taking any responsibility", said the mayor,
"it's not mine to shoulder."
Days later, as he watched the casket carrying his close
friend Leo Ryan go by, Moscone cried again. Perhaps grief wasn't
the only thing he was feeling.
January, 1979. Ukiah.
Ganatos, along with 14 fellow Ukiah residents, wrote to
Kinsolving: "Although our pleas for investigation were ignored by
our local media and government officials, our small group of
defectors and concerned citizens as well as yourself, do not feel
the guilt that the many reporters and other citizens now feel
since the senseless tragedy in Guyana, knowing it could well have
been prevented years ago right here in Ukiah."
Around the same time, Kinsolving wrote to the Advisory Board
on the Pulitzer Prizes:
"I do not know if there has ever been a special Pulitzer
award for a courageous source ... I will affirm that Brenda
Ganatos is one of the bravest people I have ever known. And I
have never in my life known such frustration as in trying to
persuade the Examiner, as well as so many other media, to keep
exposing this Disciples of Christ clergyman, whom we both knew to
be very dangerous."
Two decades may have softened the anguish. Out of this is
the lesson that people must always be vigilant against the
malignant union of demagogues, shoddy politicians, unprincipled
clergy and craven editors.
Those that had the courage to battle the nightmare of Jim
Jones are what sustains the hope it will never happen again.
For Leo Ryan, who gave his life, we dedicate this article.
Copyright (c) Kathleen and Tom Kinsolving
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