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Forwarded from the New Paradigms Project [Not Necessarily Endorsed]:
From: Book Search Co-ordinator <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: Fw: [grom] FW: World War III Diary: the story behind the Chinese embassy 
bombing
Date: Monday, November 29, 1999 9:11 PM

Yup, the attack on the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade was purposeful!  But why?  Yes, as 
per below, to send a message to the Chines and Belgrade....but also:  why not as a way 
for Clinton to show how tough he can be on China after taking their money?


The Guardian/The Observer
November 28, 1999

The US claimed it was a tragic blunder. But the pinpoint accuracy of the attack was in 
fact a deadly signal to Milosevic: seek outside help in Kosovo at your peril

Sunday November 28, 1999

On May 7 this year the B2 - at $44 billion the world's most expensive plane - took off 
from Whiteman air force base in Missouri, its sleek black belly loaded with missiles, 
destined for Belgrade. It flew high across the Atlantic and Western Europe before 
opening its bomb doors over the Adriatic and releasing the most accurate air-drop 
munitions in the world - the JDAM flying bomb.

The JDAM uses four adjustable fins to control its position, continually checked and 
re-checked by fixes from seven satellites. It is so precise a weapon it is accurate to 
a range of less than two metres.

The bombs carried on that B2 rained down over the Serb capital and rocketed towards 
their target - the southern end of the Chinese Embassy - demolishing the office of the 
military attache and killing three `journalists'. But the midnight strike was so 
precise the embassy's north end was untouched, leaving the marble and glass of the 
front entrance and the ambassador's Mercedes and four flower pots unscathed.

The CIA, US State Department and British Foreign Office claimed the strike had hit the 
wrong building. It was, they regretted, a terrible mistake. Though America's 
trillion-dollar arsenal had been deployed, the target had been selected by an 
intelligence analyst using out-of-date maps. The strike on the Chinese Embassy came at 
a bad time for Nato's campaign against Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. Mistaken 
attacks on convoys of defenceless Albanian refugees had dented Western public 
opinion's belief in the rightness of the war; now the US war machine had hit the most 
diplomatically sensitive target possible - by mistake.

But as mobs stormed the US and British Embassies in Beijing, and Chinese President 
Jiang Zemin refused to take President Bill Cliton's phone calls, an entirely different 
story was being revealed on the other side of the world.

At the Combined Air Operations Centre (CAOC) in Vincenza in northern Italy, British, 
Canadian and French air targeteers rounded on an American colonel on the morning of 8 
May. Angrily they denounced the `cock-up'. The US colonel was relaxed. 'Bullshit,' he 
replied to the complaints. `That was great targeting ... we put two JDAMs down into 
the attache's office and took out the exact room we wanted ... they (the Chinese) 
won't be using that place for rebro (re-broadcasting radio transmissions) any more, 
and it will have given that bastard Arkan a headache.'

Last month The Observer raised the first serious challange to the official version of 
events and claimed the embassy was targeted directly. US Secretary of State Madeleine 
Albright described it as `balderdash'. Since then, as this paper's journalists have 
continued to pursue the story, more witnesses have come
forward.

The true story - though it is being denied by everyone from Albright, Foreign 
Secretary Robin Cook and CIA director George Tenet down - is that the Americans knew 
exactly what they are doing. The Chinese Embassy in Belgrade was deliberately targeted 
by the most precise weapons in the US arsenal because it was being used by Zeljko 
Raznatovic, the indicted war criminal better known as Arkan, to transmit messages to 
his `Tigers'

- Serb death squads - in Kosovo.

In the immediate aftermath of the attack there were some among non-US staff who were 
suspicious. On 8 May they tapped into the Nato target computer and checked out the 
satellite co-ordinates for the Chinese Embassy. The co-ordinates were in the computer 
and they were correct. While the world was being told the CIA had used out-of-date 
maps, Nato's officers were looking at evidence that the CIA was bang on target.

Five weeks ago The Observer reported evidence gathered from sources within Nato - 
serving military officers who would be instantly sacked if named. Our account was 
denied by the CIA, by Albright and by Cook, who said there was not a `shred of 
evidence to support this rather wild story'.

The Observer has gone back to its original sources, and also spoken to other serving 
officers, from Nato colonels to intelligence officers to a military officer with the 
rank of a general. All are in agreement. The Chinese Embassy was deliberately bombed.

According to one of these sources, it was the fact that the embassy was being used to 
rebroadcast signals for Arkan and his White Tigers that swung the argument to hit the 
embassy. `The fact that it was an operating base for Arkan, an indicted war criminal, 
was something that convinced the Americans to strike. Had it just been a transmitter 
for the VJ (the Yugoslav Army), they might have held off.'

Arkan's spectre had come to loom large over the conflict in Kosovo. Indicted for his 
role in organising death squads in the war in Bosnia, his precise role in Kosovo is 
still not clear. But investigators working for the International Criminal Tribunal for 
the Former Yugoslavia in The Hague had good reason to suspect that Arkan's death 
squads were playing a murderous role in Operation Horseshoe, Milosevic's plan to 
ethnically cleanse Kosovo of its majority Albanian population.

But whether the signals intercepted were those of Arkan and his thugs or simply the 
Yugoslav army and police - both also implicated in atrocities in Kosovo - one thing 
now is clear. Nato was convinced that some of the radio broadcasts they were picking 
up were coming from within the Chinese Embassy itself.

The subject of intense speculation at the time, it is only now that The Observer has 
been able to confirm this. Confirmation of the Chinese Embassy's assistance to the 
Yugoslav war effort came in Paris last week. A senior French Defence Ministry official 
said bluntly that the building attacked on 7 May had been targeted precisely because 
it had been rebroadcasting Yugoslav signals - although the French insist they were 
never told the building was the Chinese Embassy.

`Not one of us had ever imagined this target could have been the embassy. We had been 
told simply that it was a military target that had been monitored transmitting signals 
to the Yugoslav army from its basement. It had been described to us as a 
communications target that would be taken out.' The French, however, are increasingly 
suspicious of what the Americans really knew. The same source continues: `What the 
Americans really knew, I wouldn't like to say.'

It is not only The Observer's Nato witnesses who have blown a hole in the CIA's 
original story - as rehearsed by Albright and Cook - that the embassy was bombed by 
mistake because the agency used old maps of Belgrade to work out its target list. This 
is a cover story which nearly all experts, including one's of America's most eminent 
China hands, Ezra Vogel, have judged not credible. The US's own National Imagery and 
Mapping Agency describes the wrong map story as `a damned lie'.

The claims made by the CIA's director George Tenet to the Congressional Select 
Committee on Intelligence on 22 July have come under renewed scrutiny - and been found 
wanting. Tenet told the US Congressmen there were no visible signs that the building 
was an embassy, no flags and no insignia. But photographs taken in the immediate 
afermath of the attack show a different story. These pictures show the Red Flag at the 
main gate and two hoardings covered in Chinese script on the side of the building. The 
embassy was clearly marked by a sign in Serb saying `Ambasada Narodne Republike Kine' 
(Embassy of the People's Republic of China) - stark evidence that the CIA chief was 
not telling the whole truth.

Equally compelling is the fact that the location of the Chinese Embassy in soulless 
new Belgrade was hardly a state secret.

Opposite the Park of Peace and Friendship, the Chinese Embassy at Number 3 Cherry 
Blossom Boulevard stands mangled by missiles at one end; almost untouched at the 
other. The sheets that were knotted together to form makeshift escape routes for the 
diplomats, journalists, spies and other employees trapped inside still hang from the 
holes that were once the embassy's smoked glass windows, trailing between the white 
blinds and straggly blue-green curtains that still flap in the wind.

The reception room is still there, laid open to the elements by the bomb that sliced 
away its outer wall on the building's south side. Its reproduction Louis XIV sofa set 
stands under a row of gilded chandeliers and faces a hole the size of a crater in the 
adjacent building that was once the Chinese ambassador's home. That room and those 
sofas were familiar to Belgrade's diplomatic corps, who regularly met US diplomats at 
receptions in the building.

Officially the CIA's expla nation for hitting a building, well known to its diplomatic 
corps, is this: it used a flawed technique for locating the building they were 
supposed to bomb - an arms agency headquarters.

It is a version of events that no longer appears to stand up to scrutiny. For not only 
were the embassy co-ordinates in the Nato computer, as the air targeters discovered, 
but the Chinese Embassy, as has been confirmed to The Observer, had long been a prime 
target for Western intelligence, and would therefore have been extremely well 
identified.

The reason for the scrutiny was that for years the Chinese Communist regime has been 
co-operating with the Serbs in building up its military capability. The eyes and ears 
of the Western world - the US's National Security Agency and Britain's own GCHQ - were 
watching and listening.

And there was another issue, as a Nato air controller involved in the campaign made 
clear. `The Chinese Embassy had an electronic profile, which Nato had located and 
pinpointed.' According to this source, that data was forwarded to the joint 
intelligence operational centre at Mons, the headquarters of Nato in Europe. While 
initial scrutiny by US military and civilian officials showed that the area was part 
of a park owned by a Yugoslav army officers' fund, more recent maps provided by the 
Europeans showed the clear location of the embassy. It was on the banned list, 
according to a senior officer, and needed approval from the US Commander-in-Chief, 
Bill Clinton, to have it removed from that list and designated as a target.

It is this issue that has become the most contentious one between the US and its 
European Nato allies, especially France: that America was ordering missions outside of 
Nato's joint command structure that it kept from its fellow combatants. This month 
this issue surfaced in a bitter exchange between the two countries: France accusing 
America of running missions behind its back while America accused the French 
government of putting Nato pilots' lives at risk by vetoing targets. French officials 
in the United States - at the UN and in Washington - say privately that their 
government was `wary in the extreme' at the way targets were chosen by Nato during the 
Kosovo conflict.

`US Air Force and intelligence services had a direct hot line to the Nato planners in 
Brussels, but they were making their own selections, irrespective of the joint 
consultative process,' complained a French diplomat at the UN mission in New York.

Another was more forthright, stating that there was still `very great scepticism' 
among French diplomats at the CIA's explanation of an erroneous attack: `We still have 
an open mind,' said one official, `and there is still reason for us to believe that 
China's role and position in the Balkans could have led to an attack.'

Asked what could have been the motives for a deliberate attack, the official replied: 
`The possibility that the Chinese were helping the Yugoslavs in a number of ways, 
including militarily, and concern among American intelligence that China was indulged 
in a wholesale espionage against America.'

What is clear, however, from The Observer's sources is that the Combined Air 
Operations Centre at Vincenza was not informed of the targeting plan for the embassy 
because `all operations with stealth aircraft and other special systems were kept 
strictly close to the chest by the Americans ... they only told us after the event.'

The question now remains why America might have risked such a controversial attack. 
`The aim was to send a clear message to Milosevic that he should not use outside help 
in the shape of the Chinese,' said a Nato intelligence officer.

One source, a senior Nato air force officer, said: `I would lay money that the Chinese 
civilians killed by the bombing were intelligence officers. The Americans knew exactly 
what to hit and how to do it ... far from not knowing the target was an embassy, they 
must have been given architect's drawings.'

An intelligence expert told The Observer: `If it was the wrong building, why did they 
use the most precise weapons on Earth to hit the right end of that `wrong building'?'


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


The Guardian/The Observer

Balkan fiasco

Sunday November 28, 1999

The explanation by Nato and the United States of how its aircraft came to bomb the 
Chinese embassy during the Kosovo War is becoming more and more unbelievable. Despite 
the indignant denials of CIA director George Tenet, more senior Nato officers have 
come forward to confirm The Observer's account that the embassy was deliberately 
targeted by US bombers, acting outside the Nato joint chain of command. Their 
testimony has been consistent - that far from being a targeting error, it was attacked 
after being detected broadcasting signals for the Yugoslav military and paramilitary 
units of the indicted war criminal, Arkan.

The questions raised by The Observer's six-week long investigation into this pivotal 
moment in the conflict against Yugoslavia demand urgent answers. China, which has long 
pursued a relationship with Slobodan Milosevic, has to explain its actions in 
assisting a regime condemned by UN sanctions. But more pressing is an explanation from 
the United States over the way in which it disregarded its Nato partners to launch an 
illegal attack against a diplomatic mission, which risked the emerging consensus for 
the terms of a negotiated peace almost at the moment that it was achieved.

If the US wants to hold Nato together and cement its relationship with China, then it 
needs to do better than simply deny the mounting evidence. If there was any muscle 
behind the new world order, we would look to the UN, which has the moral if not legal 
standing to prosecute such a task, to launch an inquiry. But we are realistic about 
the UN's weaknesses. Instead, it is left to America's partners in the war against 
Yugoslavia to investigate what they know of this affair. For this reason, we are 
calling on the Defence and Foreign Affairs Select Committees to ask what our senior 
servicemen knew. As the French government has vociferously complained, the United 
States should not be allowed to operate independently in Nato. And while an inquiry by 
our own MPs cannot compel an errant ally, it can embarrass. That remains a powerful 
weapon.



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The Allfather is a sacrificial altar and a weapon of the delivery upon
which the Aryan sons sign the new covenmant with their fathers in blood.
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