-Caveat Lector-

From
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/World/Europe/kosovo121299.shtml

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Kosovo: what Nato did next
Six months to the day after Allied troops moved in, Raymond Whitaker finds a
province beset by crime and administrative chaos
By Clare Francis
12 December 1999
"The situation here is very bad and getting worse," said Bajram Rexhepi, his
breath coming out in clouds. "Tensions here are very great. We are trying to
contain violence and protests, but we will lose our credibility if we can't
show any kind of success."
It was easy to see what Dr Rexhepi, a medical man turned city administrator,
was talking about. If the head of Mitrovica's unofficial, Albanian-created
municipal government cannot even heat his own office above freezing point, why
should anyone listen to him?
A few hundred yards away, across the bridge dividing Kosovo's second city,
local Serbs were angry. For the first time since Nato-led peacekeepers entered
Kosovo in the summer, a British Warrior armoured vehicle had appeared on their
side of the Ibar river. Its commander explained that he was on attachment to
the French element of KFOR, which is headquartered in Mitrovica and has
"solved" the problem of ethnic tensions by closing the bridge over the Ibar
river to keep the two communities apart.
Without an interpreter, however, he could not calm the crowd, which was
circulating wild rumours of an imminent British attack and threatening to kill
the crew if they did not move on. Senior French officers, Italian carabinieri
and a red-and-white "Coca Cola" vehicle of the United Nations police were all
drawn in by the confrontation. From their headquarters in Mitrovica's tallest
building, next to the bridge, officials of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo
(Unmik) would have been able to see what was happening, but the incident, like
many in Kosovo, dragged on noisily, messily and without resolution.
For Dr Rexhepi the lesson was obvious. "Unmik must impose its authority here,"
he said, and it was clear that he meant the whole of Kosovo, not just
Mitrovica. "If the UN people simply administer this place on paper and try to
act as mediators, they encourage extremists on both sides to make more demands.
Unmik is very anxious to have a success in Kosovo, but all we can see is
dithering."
In the rest of Kosovo the problem is different, but the UN is again criticised.
Serbs who sought to live peacefully among their Albanian neighbours have almost
all been driven out, either to Serbia or into a handful of heavily guarded
enclaves, in what bears all the signs of a co-ordinated campaign: the
officially disbanded but still well-armed Kosovo Liberation Army convinces few
with its denials of responsibility.
The UN police, barely half the promised strength of 3,100, have been powerless
to prevent reverse ethnic cleansing. Their commitment is also in question �
according to one aid worker, an Albanian policemen he knew found himself
trailing his foreign superiors from one coffee bar to another.
"Many of the international police see no point in risking their skin," he said.
"All they want to do is bank their bonuses and get home in one piece."
The euphoria which greeted Nato peacekeepers when they entered Kosovo six
months ago today is evaporating as the UN struggles with the myriad problems
left behind by the Serbian destruction. It is behind schedule in many if not
most areas, from registering the population and their cars to establishing a
tax system and preparing for eventual elections, but its failure to deal with
law and order undermines everything. Apart from disrupting attempts to set up a
smooth-running administration, rampant crime is alienating the population.
UN officials complain that all the talk of billions of dollars for the
reconstruction of Kosovo after the war has come to nothing, and that Unmik is
constantly short of funds. Its critics retort that two-thirds of its running
costs go onpaying the generous salaries of its international bureaucrats. A
classic "UN economy", familiar from other trouble spots such as Cambodia and
Bosnia, is developing in Kosovo. Anyone with the resources to open a restaurant
or coffee bar can make a fortune, while newly appointed customs officials at
the border with Macedonia earn 300 Deutschmarks (�100) a month, and even that
was not paid for the first four months.
"Unmik is creating a base for corruption in Kosovo with such disparities,"
complained Baton Haxhiu, editor of Koha Ditore, the most prominent Albanian-
language newspaper.
Mr Haxhiu said that Dr Kouchner, a former French health minister and founder of
M�decins sans Fronti�res, had been reduced to making constant "moralistic
appeals" to Albanians to show ethnic tolerance and support Unmik. "But who will
protect us if we do? Why do we have crime in Kosovo? Because we don't have
identity cards, the power and water are off several hours a day, cars have no
licence plates and nobody controls the traffic. Nobody knows who is who in
Kosovo, and it is an El Dorado for criminal gangs from Albania."
Apart from smuggling drugs, arms and cigarettes into Kosovo, Albanian gangsters
have taken to kidnapping young women for prostitution in western Europe. Mr
Haxhiu said one had been snatched from outside the Grand Hotel in the heart of
Pristina last week, while four UN policemen looked on.
Even if the UN can curb the lawlessness, however, it faces a contradiction at
the heart of its mission. Officially Kosovo remains under Serbian sovereignty,
but everything Unmik does, as one official admitted, works against Belgrade's
control. "There was an outcry when we made the Deutschmark the working
currency, for example," said the official, "but we couldn't reintroduce a
banking system with a dead currency like the Serbian dinar."
Since nearly every Kosovar Albanian insists independence is the only option �
the timing is the sole matter of dispute � UN efforts to maintain links with
the remaining Serbs further erode support among the majority population. "Unmik
must stop trying to appease the Serbs," complained Dr Rexhepi. "They are only a
fraction of the population, and they must accept that they are no longer
privileged."
The Mitrovica administrator would have been horrified to hear the UN official
who admitted that attempts to keep Pristina University open to all groups had
failed. Since it was now entirely Albanian, Unmik was considering whether to
turn the mining and metallurgical faculty, on the Serbian side of Mitrovica,
into a separate university for Serbs. "Apartheid?" responded the official.
"Call it that if you want to."


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