-Caveat Lector-

As already mentioned in our Introduction, it was in 1805, 200 years after the
founding of the East India Company, that the British won the Battle of
Trafalgar, giving them dominance of all the world's lines of supply. They now
controlled the seas of the world. It was said by world people that the
British Empire became the first empire in history upon which "the sun never
set." In order to get their gold off the sea and out of reach of the pirates,
the British made deals with the sovereigns of all the countries around the
world with whom they traded, by which it was agreed from then on to keep
annual accounts of their intertrading and at the end of the year to move the
gold from the debtor's bank in London to the creditor's bank in London to
balance the accounts. In this way they kept the gold off the ocean and immune
to sea pirate raiding. This brought about what is now called the "balance of
trade" accounting.

The international trading became the most profitable of all enterprises, and
great land-"owners" with clear-cut king's "deeds" to their land went often to
international gold moneylenders. The great land barons underwrote the
building of enterprisers' ships with their cattle or other real wealth, the
regenerative products of their lands, turned over to the lender as collateral.

If the ship did come back, both the enterpriser and the bankers realized a
great gain. The successful ship venturer paid the banker back, and the banker
who had been holding the cattle as collateral returned them to their original
proprietor. But during the voyage (usually two years to the Orient and back
to Europe) the pledged cattle had calves, "kind" (German for "child"), and
this is where the concept of interest originated, which was payable "in
kind"-the cattle that were born while the collateral was held by the banker
were to belong to the banker.

When the Phoenicians shifted their trading strategy from carrying cattle to
carrying metal money, the metal money didn't hai'e little money- "kind"-but
the idea of earned interest persisted. This meant that the interest was
deducted from the original money value, and this of course depreciated the
capital equity of the borrower. Thus, metallic equity banking became a
different kind of game from the original concept.

In twentieth-century banking the depositors assume that their money is safely
guarded in the vaulted bank, especially so in a savings bank, whereas their
money is loaned out, within seconds after its depositing, at interest payable
to the banker which is greater than the interest paid to the savings account
depositor and, since the metal or paper money does not produce
children-"kind"-the banker's so-called earned share must, in reality, be
deducted from the depositor's true-wealth deposit.

The merchant bankers of Venice came to underwrite the Venetians' (the
Phoenicians') voyaging ventures. Such international trade financing swiftly
became the big thing in the banking game. The "Merchant of Venice"- Shylock
and his "pound of flesh forfeit" of the debtor-was Shakespeare's way of
calling attention to the fact that the bankers' "interest" was in reality
depleting the life-support equity of both the depositors and the borrowers.

It was the financing of such international voyaging, trading, and individual
travel as well as of vaster games of governmental takeovers that built the
enormous wealth-controlling fortunes of early European private banking
families. It was under analogous circumstances of financing
inter-American-European trade that, in the late nineteenth century, J. P.
Morgan becamea man of great power. By having his banking houses in Paris and
London, Philadelphia and New York, he was able not only to finance people's
foreign vtravel, all their intershipment of goods, and to give letters of
credit, but also to finance and control major "new era" railroading,
shipbuilding, mining, manufacturing, and energy-generating enterprises in
general.

Such powerful banking gave insights regarding the degrees of risks that could
be taken. The people doing the risking came to the banker for advice. In such
a manner 1. P. Morgan developed the most powerful financing position in
America, as society went from wooden ships to steel ships and the concomitant
iron mining, blast furnace building, and steel rolling mill development, as
well as the making of boilers and engines, electric generators, and air
conditioning systems. To better understand the coming of world power
structure into North American affairs, we will switch back from the
nineteenth to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, to the opening up of
North America and the American socioeconomic scene. The European colonization
occurred in anal major ways.

The Spanish way was accomplished with vast haciendas-grants from the king to
powerful supporters. The hacienda development began in Central America and
Mexico and expanded northward into California.

The British king also gave vast plantation grants to royal favorites on the
North American southeastern coast, below the freezing line.

 The French came to two parts of North America: (1) to the Gulf of
Mexico-Mississippi delta, where exiled prisoners were dumped, and (2) to the
St. Lawrence area of Canada, whence they moved westward via the Great Lakes,
then southward on the Mississippi to join with these lower Mississippi
colonists exploring northward and westward on the Mississippi.

British sovereign grants were also being given on the northeastern coast,
where it was much colder and where existence was much more difficult. Because
it was much more difficult to colonize, the royal favorites who received
large land grants from the British king in the north did everything they
could to encourage colonization of any kind by others, who bought their land
from their landlords. The Pilgrims and other people of religious conviction
found the freedom of thought-and-act to warrant hazarding their lives in that
cold-winter wilderness. On the northeast coast of North America the
individuals who did the colonizing were not the landowners,who remained
safely in Europe. In the south the royal-favorite landowners themselves
occupied and personally operated many of the great plantations.

Though motivated by distinctly different northern and southern reasons for
doing so, we have the east-coast North American British-blood people breaking
away from the Old World through the American Revolution.

In our tracing of the now completely invisible world power structures it is
important to note that, while the British Empire as a world government lost
the American Revolution, the power structure behind it did not lose the war.
The most visible of the power-structure identities was the East India
Company, an entirely private enterprise whose flag as adopted by Queen
Elizabeth in 1600 happened to have thirteen red and white horizontal stripes
with a blue rectangle in its upper lefthand corner. The blue rectangle bore
in red and white the superimposed crosses of St. Andrew and St. George. When
the Boston Tea Party occurred, the colonists dressed as Indians boarded the
East India Company's three ships and threw overboard their entire cargoes of
high-tax tea. They also took the flag from the masthead of the largest of the
"East Indiamen"-.-the Dartmouth. George Washington took command of the U.S.
Continental Army under an elm tree in Cambridge, Massachusetts. The flag used
for that occasion was the East India Company's flag, which by pure
coincidence had the thirteen red and white stripes. Though it was only
coincidence, most of those present thought the thirteen red and white stripes
did represent the thirteen American colonies-ergo, was very appropriate-but
they complained about the included British flag's superimposed crosses in the
blue rectangle in the top corner. George Washington conferred with Betsy
Ross, after which came the thirteen white, five-pointed stars in the blue
field with the thirteen red and white horizontal stripes. While the British
government lost the 1776 war, the East India Company's owners who constituted
the invisible power structure behind the British government not only did not
lose but moved right into the new U.S.A. economy along with the latter's most
powerful landowners.

By pure chance I happened to uncover this popularly unknown episode of
American history. Commissioned in 1970 by the Indian government to design new
airports in Bombay, New Delhi, and Madras, I was visiting the
grand palace of the British fortress in Madras, where the English first
established themselves in India in 1600. There I saw a picture of Queen
Elizabeth I and the flag of the East India Company of 1600 AD., with its
thirteen red and white horizontal stripes and its superimposed crosses in the
upper corner. What astonished me was that this flag (which seemed to be
seemed to be the American flag) was apparently being used in 1600 A.D., 175
years before the American Revolution. Displayed on the stairway landing wall
together with the portrait of Queen Elizabeth I painted on canvas, the flag
was painted on the wall itself, as was the seal of the East India Company.

The supreme leaders of the American Revolution were of the southern
type-George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. Both were great landowners with
direct royal grants for their lands, in contradistinction to the relatively
meager individual landholdings of the individual northern Puritan colonists.

With the Revolution over we have Alexander Hamilton arguing before the
Congress that it was not the intention of the signers of the Declaration of
Independence that the nation so formed should have any wealth. Wealth
Hamilton argued-as supported by Adam Smith-is the land, which is something
that belonged entirely to private individuals, preponderantly the great
landowners with king-granted deeds to hundreds and sometimes thousands of
square miles, as contrasted to the ordinary colonists' few hundreds of acres
of homestead farms.

Hamilton went on to argue that the United States government so formed would,
of course, need money from time to time and must borrow that money from the
rich landowners' banks and must pay the banks back with interest. Assuming
that the people would be benefited by what their representative government
did with the money it borrowed, the people gladly would be taxed in order to
pay the money back to the landowners with interest. This is where a
century-and-a-half-long game of "wealth"-poker began-with the cards dealt
only to the great landowners by the world power structure.

Obviously, very powerful people had their land given to them by the king and
not by God, but the king, with the church's approbation, asserted it was with
God's blessing. This deed-processing produced a vast number of court
decisions and legal precedent based on centuries and centuries of deed
inheritances. Thus, landlord's deeds evolved from deeds originally dispensed
from deeds of war. Then the great landlords loaned parcels of their lands to
sharecropping farmers, who had to pay the landlord a tithe, or rent, and
"interest" out of the wealth produced by nature within the confines of the
deeded land. The landlord had his "tithing" barn within which to store the
grains collected in the baskets (fiscus is Latin for "basket"; thus the
fiscal year is that which winds up within the basketed measuring of the net
grains harvested). The real payoff, of course, was in regenerative metabolic
increments of the botanical photosynthetic impoundment of Sun radiation and
hydrocarbon molecules' structuring and proliferation through other hydrogenic
and biological interaccomnodations. Obviously none of this natural
wealth-regenerating and -multiplying process was accreditable to the
landlords.

When I was young, there were people whom everybody knew to be very "wealthy"
Nobody had the slightest idea of what that "wealth" consisted, other than the
visible land and the complex of buildings in which the wealthy lived, plus
their horses, carriages and yachts. The only thing that counted was that they
were "known to be" enormously wealthy. The wealthy could do approximately
anything they wanted to do. Many owned cargo ships. However, the richest were
often prone to live in very unostentatious ways.

 Of course, money was coined and the paper equivalents of metallic coinage
were issued by the officers of banks of variously ventured
private-capital-banking-type land systems. Enterprises were underwritten by
wealthy landowners, to whom shares in the enterprises were issued and when
fortunate, dividends were paid. "Rich" people sometimes had their own private
banks-as, for instance, J. P. Morgan and Company. Ordinary people rushed to
deposit their earnings in the wealthy people's banks.

For all the foregoing reasons nobody knew of what the wealth of the wealthy
really consisted, nor how much there was of it. There were no income taxes
until after World War I. But the income tax did not disclose capital wealth.
It disclosed only the declared income of the wealthy. The banks were
capitalized in various substantial amounts considered obviously adequate to
cover any and all deposits by other than the bankers involved in proclaiming
the capital values. These capital values were agreed upon privately between
great landowners based on equities well within the marketable values of small
fractions of their vast king-deeded landholdings.

"The rich get richer and the poor get children" was a popular song of the
early 1920s. Wages were incredibly low, and the rich could get their
buildings built for a song and people them with many servants for another
song. But, as with uncalled poker hands, nobody ever knew what the "wealthy"
really had. I was a boy in a "comfortably off" family, not a "wealthy"
family-not wealthy enough to buy and own horses and carriages. To me the
wealthy seemed to be just "fantastically so.

This brings us to World War I. Why was it called the First World War?  All
wars until this time had been fought in the era when land was the primary
wealth. The land was the wealth because it produced the food essential to
life. In the land-wealth era of warring the opposing forces took the farmers
from the farms and made soldiers of them. They exhausted the farm-produced
food supplies and trampled down the farms. War was local.

In 1810, only five years after Malthus's pronouncement of the fundamental
inadequacy of life support on planet Earth, the telegraph was invented. It
used copper wires to carry its messages. This was the beginning of a new age
of advancing technology. The applied findings of science brought about an era
in which there was a great increase of metals being interalloyed or
interemployed mechanically, chemically, and electrolytically. Metals greatly
increased the effectiveness of the land-produced foods. The development of
nonrusting, hermetically sealed tin cans made possible preservation and
distribution of foods to all inhabited portions of our planet Earth. All the
new technology of all the advancing industry, which was inaugurated by the
production of steel in the mid-nineteenth century, required the use of all
the known primary metallic elements in various intercomplementary alloyings.

For instance tin cans involved tin from the Malay straits, iron from West
Virginia mines, and manganese from southern Russia. The metals were rarely
found under the farmlands or in the lands that belonged to the old lords of
the food-productive lands. Metals were found-often, but not always, in
mountains-alt around the world, in lands of countries remote from one
another. Mine ownerships were granted by governments to the first to file
claims.

It was the high-seas, intercontinental, international trafficking in these
metals that made possible the life-support effectiveness of both farming and
fishing. The high-seas trafficking was mastered by the world-around line-of-
supply controllers-the venturers and pirates known collectively as the
British Empire. This world-around traffic was in turn financed, accounted,
and maximally profited in by the international bankers and their letters of
credit,
bills of exchange, and similar pieces of paper. International banking greatl
reduced the necessity for businessmen to travel with their exported goods to
collect at the importer's end. Because the world-around-occurring metals
were at the heart of this advance in standards of living for increasing
numbers of humans all around the world, the struggle for mastery of this
trade by the invisible, behind-the-scenes-contending world power structures
ultimately brought about the breakout of the visible, international World War
I.

 The war was the consequence of the world-power-structure "outs" becoming
realistically ambitious to take away from the British "ins" the control of
the world's high-seas lines of supply. The "outs" saw that the British Navy
was guarding only the surface of the sea and that there were proven new
inventions-the submarine, which could go under the water, and the airplane,
which could fly above the water-so the behind-the-scenes
world-power-structure "outs" adopted their multidimensional offensive
strategy against the two-dimensional world-power-structure "ins." The
invisible-power-structure "outs" puppeted the Germans and their allies. The
invisible-power-structure "ins" puppeted Great Britain and her allies. With
their underwater strategies the "outs" did severely break down the "ins'"
line of supply.

J. P. Morgan was the visible fiscal agent for the "in" power structure,
operating through Great Britain and her allies. The 1914 industrial
productivity in America was enormous, with an even more enormous amount of
untapped U.S. metallic resources, particularly of iron and copper, as backup.

Throughout the nineteenth century all the contending invisible world power
structures invested heavily in U.S.A-enterprise equities. Throughout that
nineteenth century, the vast resources of the U.S.A. plus the new array of
imported European industrial tooling, the North American economy established
productivity. The U.S.A. economy took all the industrial machincry that had
been invented in England, Germany, France, and Europe in general and
reproduced it in America with obvious experience-suggested improvements.

In 1914 World War I started in the Balkans and was "joined" in Belgium and
France on the European continent. The British Isles represented the
"unsinkable flagship" of the high-seas navy of the masters of' the world
oceans' lines of supply. The "unsinkable flagship" commanded the harbors of
the European customers of the high-seas-line-of-supply control- If the line
of supply that kept the war joined on the European continent broke down
completely, then the "outs" would be able to take the British Isles
themselves, which, as the "flagship" of the ins, would mean the latter's
defeat.

In 1914, three years before the U.S.A. entered the war, S. P. Morgan, as the
"Allies'" fiscal agent, began to buy in the U.S.A. to offset the
line-of-supply losses accomplished by the enemy submarines. Morgan kept
buying and buying, but finally, on the basis of sound world-banking finance,
which was predicated on the available gold reserve, came the point at which
Morgan had bought for the British and their allies an amount of goods from the
U.S.A. equaling all the monetary bullion gold in the world available to the
"ins' " power structure. Despite this historically unprecedented magnitude of
the Allied purchasing it had only fractionally tapped the productivity of
the U.S.A. So Morgan, buying on behalf of England and her allies, exercised
their borrowing "credit" to an extent that bought a total of goods worth
twice the amount of gold and silver in the world available to the "ins." As
yet the potential productivity of the U.S.A. was but fractionally
articulated.  Because the "ability to pay later" credit of the Allied nations
could not be stretched any further, the only way to keep the U.S.A.
productivity flowing and increasing was to get the U.S.A. itself into the war
on the "ins' " side, so that it would buy its own productivity in support of
its own war effort as well as that of its allies.

By skillful psychology and propaganda the "ins" persuaded America that they
were fighting "to save democracy." I recall, as one of the youth of those
times, how enthusiastic everyone became about "saving democracy."
Immediately the U.S.A. government asked the British and their allies, "What
do you need over there?" The ins replied, "A million trained and armed men,
and the ships to carry them to France, and many, many new ships to replace
the ships that have been sunk by submarines. We need them desperately to keep
carrying the tanks and airplanes, weapons, and munitions to France." The
"ins" also urgently requested that the U.S. Navy be increased in strength to
equal the strength of the British Navy and therewith to cope with the German
submarines, "while our British Navy keeps the German high-seas fleet bottled
up. We want all of this from America.

America went to work, took over and newly implemented many of the U.S.
industries, such as the telephone, telegraph, and power companies, and
produced all that was wanted. For the first time in history, from 1914 to
1918, humanity entered upon a comprehensive program of industrial
transformation and went from wire to wireless communications; from tracked to
trackless transportation; from two-dimensional transport to four-dimensional;
from visible structuring and mechanical techniques to invisible-atomic and
molecular-structuring and mechanics.

Within one year the million armed and trained U.S.A. soldiers were safely
transported to France without the loss of one soldier to the submarines.
Arrived in France, they entered the line of battle. With the line of supply
once more powerfully re-established by the U.S. Navy and its merchant fleet,
it became clear that the "ins" were soon going to win.

J. P. Morgan, now representing the "allied" power structures' capitalist
system's banks as well as serving as the Allies' purchasing agent, said to
the American Congress, "How are you going to pay for it all?" The American
Congress said, "What do you mean, pay for it? This is our own wealth. This is
our war to save democracy. We will win the war and then stop the armaments
production." Morgan said, "You have forgotten Alexander Hamilton. The U.S.
government doesn't have any money. You're going to pay tr it all right, but
since you don't have any money, you're going to have It borrow it all from
the banks. You're going to borrow from me, Mr. Morgan, in order to pay these
vast war bills.  Then you must raise the money by taxes to pay me back."

To finance these enormous payments Mr. Morgan and his army of lawyers
invented—for the U.S. government—the Liberty Loans and Victory Loans. Then
the U.S. Congress invented the income tax.

 With the U.S. Congress's formulating of the legislation that set up the
scheme of the annual income tax, "we the people" had, for the first time, a
little peek into the poker hands of the wealthy. But only into the amount of
their taxable income, not into the principal wealth cards of their poker game.

 During World War I, U.S. industrial production had gone to $178 billion.
With only $30 billion of monetary gold in the world, this monetary magnitude
greatly exceeded any previously experienced controllability of the
behind-the-scenes finance power structure of the European "Allies."

World War I over, won by the Allies, all the countries on both sides of the
warring countries are deeply in debt to America. Because the debt to the
U.S.A. was twice that of all the gold in the "ins'" world, all the countries
involved in World War I paid all their gold to the USA. Despite those
enormous payments in gold all the countries were as yet deeply in debt to the
USA. Thereafter all those countries went off the gold standard.

All the monetary gold bullion paid to the U.S.A. was stored in the mountain
vaults of Fort Knox, Kentucky. International trade became completely
immobilized, and the U.S.A. found itself having unwittingly become the
world's new financial master. Swiftly it arranged vast trading account loans
to the foreign countries. This financing of foreign countries' purchasing by
the U.S.A. credit loans started an import-export boom in the U.S.A., followed
by an early 1920s recession and another boom; then, the Great Crash of 1929.

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