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Wall Street Goes for a Bust in 1907-1908

The war on Wall Street which spread economic devastation across the nation
during 1907-1908 was the direct result of one huge money trust trying to
cannibalize its competition. The record shows that the Rockefeller interests
of "Amalgamated Copper" set out to destroy the Heinze combination which
owned Union Copper Company. By cleverly manipulating the stock market, the
Rockefeller faction drove down Heinze stock in Union Copper from 60 to 10.
The rumor was then spread that not only Heinze Copper but also the Heinze
banks were folding under Rockefeller pressure. J.P. Morgan joined the
Rockefeller enclave to announce that he thought the Knickerbocker Trust
Company would be the first Heinze bank to go.

That was all it took to send depositors storming to the tellers' cages of
the Knickerbocker Bank to get their money. Within a few days the bank was
forced to close its doors. Similar fear spread to other Heinze banks and
then to the whole banking world. The crash was on. Millions of people were
sold out and rendered homeless. The destitute and hungry shifted for
themselves as best they could. Circulating money was hoarded by any who
happened to get some, so before long a viable medium of exchange became
practically nonexistent. Many business concerns began printing IOU's on
small pieces of paper and exchanging these for raw materials as well as
giving them to their workers for wages. These "tokens" passed around as a
temporary medium of exchange.

At this critical juncture, J.P. Morgan came to the front. He offered to
salvage the last Heinze bank (Trust Company of America) if it would turn
over to him for merely a pittance of its true worth, the fabulously valuable
Tennessee Coal and Iron Company in Birmingham. Morgan wished to add this to
the U.S. Steel Company which he had purchased from Andrew Carnegie This
arrangement violated the anti-trust laws but in the prevailing climate of
crisis, the proposed transaction was approved in Washington. At this point
J.P. Morgan told his partners he was intrigued by the "tokens" of paper or
printed IOU's which various business houses were being allowed to circulate
as a medium of exchange. He sold Washington on the idea of letting him put
out 200 million dollars in such "tokens" issued by one of the Morgan
establishments. He said this flow of Morgan "certificates" might get the
economy going again. Approval was granted and as these new forms of Morgan"
money" began circulating, the public regained its confidence so that hoarded
money began to circulate again as well. Morgan never forgot how exciting it
was to circulate 200 million dollars in "certificates" creating out of
nothing more than his own "corporate credit" and the formal approval of
Washington. Here was a superb device to make millions. In the mind of J.P.
Morgan, the seeds for the Federal Reserve System had been sown.

How J.P. Morgan Became Attracted to Woodrow Wilson

On the surface J.P. Morgan seemed to have saved the day --like throwing a
child in the river and then being lionized for saving him. No one was more
fascinated with the new heroic image of Mr. Morgan than Woodrow Wilson. In
the early 1900's Woodrow Wilson had gained a tremendous reputation as a
writer and educator. People listened to him. He had practically "founded"
the department of political science soon (sic) at Princeton. In fact, his
philosophy of political science permeated universities all across the nation
and to a large extent still represents the prevalent view today. Wilson
reflected a strong criticism of what some called the "archaic nature" of the
American system of government and the necessity of getting stronger
administrative control over the affairs of the people. In many are as Wilson
was very critical of the Founders' Constitutional concepts. Wilson wrote:
"All this trouble (the 1907 depression) could be averted if we appointed a
committee of six or seven public-spirited men like J.P. Morgan to handle the
affairs of our country." Although, reputed to be a great spokesman for
"democracy", Woodrow Wilson actually had a powerful instinct for the further
strengthening of centralized power. Morgan liked what Wilson was saying.

Soon after Wilson became President of Princeton University, certain Morgan
interests began encouraging him to enter the political arena. By 1910, he
found himself winning the election for Governor of New Jersey. In 1912,
these same forces pushed Wilson into the Presidency of the United States.
But that is getting ahead of our story.

The Popular Demand for Monetary Reform

By 1908 J.P. Morgan was already working through his wealthy friend, Senator
Nelson Aldrich of Rhode Island, to establish a private central banking
system similar to those operating in Europe. Mr. Morgan could not forget the
exhilarating satisfaction of printing and circulating millions of dollars
worth of "certificates" merely on Morgan's corporate "credit." It was even
better than the schemes of the goldsmith-bankers!

Meanwhile, public pressure was making increased demands for a plan to
eliminate Wall Street control and exploitation of the economy. Accordingly,
Morgan's friend, Senator Adlrich, had arranged to have himself made the
chairman of the National Monetary Commission. Congress assigned this
Commission the task of studying the United States monetary system and making
recommendations of ways to improve it. The Commission promptly took off for
Europe and after spending $300,000 returned to write 20 massive volumes
extolling the advantages of Europe's central banking system.

This report was barely published when there arrived on the scene none other
than Paul Warburg whose brother, Max Warburg, was in charge of the
Reichsbank, the privately-owned central bank of Germany. Paul Warburg came
well-financed by the Rothschild family and they bought him a partnership in
the Rothschild-dominated firm of Kuhn, Loeb and Company. Paul Warburg
immediately associated himself with other Wall Street financial leaders as
well as Senator Nelson Aldrich. Then he began circulating all over the
country lecturing to universities and business organizations. He emphasize d
the absolute necessity of setting up a new national banking system which
would prevent Wall Street from putting the nation through those devastating
"boom and bust" cycles as it had in the past. He promised that the new
system he had in mind would really "clip the wings" of the big bankers

It was exactly the sound of monetary music the people had been waiting to
hear! Little did people know that Wall Street was preparing a plan of its
own.

The Meeting at Jekyll's Island

On November 22, 1910, a private railroad car pulled out of the station at
Hoboken, New Jersey, with some notable people aboard. Others joined the m
later. They met at the J.P. Morgan estate on Jekyll's island, Georgia. This
secret meeting included Senator Nelson Aldrich, A.P. Andrews, professional
economist and Assistant Secretary of the Treasury who had traveled with
Aldrich to Europe, Frank Vanderlip, President of the National Bank of New
York City, Harry P. Davidson, senior partner of the J.P. Morgan Company;
Charles D. Norton, President of Morgan's First National Bank of New York;
Paul Warburg, partner of the banking house of Kuhn, Loeb Company in New
York; and lastly, Benjamine Strong of the J.P. Morgan Company central office
in New York.

After nine days, they had prepared a bill for Congress which was later
submitted as "The Aldrich Plan." Five million dollars were pressured out of
major banks to "educate" the Congress and the American people to accept the
plan.

The main resistance to the Plan came from the House of Representatives where
an official investigation had revealed some of the ruthless operations of
powerful financial interests on Wall Street and definitely fixed
responsibility on Wall Street (especially Rockefeller and Morgan) for the
crash of 1907-1908. With the tide of opposition rising, it was obvious that
the Republicans were not going to be able to get the Aldrich plan adopted.

Strategy then switched to the Democratic Party which immediately came up
with an "alternate" plan to be called the Federal Reserve System. It was
almost identical with the Aldrich Plan but with a different name.

The Election of President Wilson

The next task was to defeat the Republican President, William Howard Taft,
in the 1912 election and get a Democratic administration in power. Taft was
popular, but opposed to the Aldrich Plan. The political strategy was
therefore redesigned to induce another Republican, popular Teddy Roosevelt,
to run on an independent ticket against Taft and thus divide the Republican
Party. Two prominent Morgan officers, Fran Munsey and George Perkins,
provided both the money and the strategy to help Roosevelt win Republican
votes away from Taft. Meanwhile, George Harvey, President of the
Morgan-controlled Harpers Weekly, and the Rockefeller money got behind
Wilson. The Wilson team included Cleveland H. Dodge of Rockefellers'
National City Bank, J. Ogden Armour, James Stillman, George F. Baker, Jacob
Schiff, Bernard Baruch, Henry Morgenthau, and the publisher of the New York
Times, Adolph Ochs.

It is interesting that the Morgan officials who managed Teddy Roosevelt's
campaign were also found to have put extensive money behind Wilson. As might
have been expected, the strategy worked and Wilson was elected.

The Wilson Administration Begins Reshaping America

When Woodrow Wilson took over the White House in 1913, he brought with him
his Wall Street advisors including "Colonel" Edward Mandell House who is now
known to have been the major policy-maker and manager of the entire Wilson
administration. In his personal writings, House describes the pile-driver
tactics that were used to force a bill through Congress which would
authorize the setting up of the new Federal Reserve System as a
privately-owned central bank.

A strong element of deception surrounded the team involved in the promoting
of this legislation. To begin with, the bill was simply the Aldrich Bill in
new dress, something the Congress had already rejected. Secondly, the
leading financiers of Wall Street went into a carefully orchestrated act of
vehemently pretending to protest against the bill.

In his autobiography, William McAdoo, Wilson's son-in-law, who became
Secretary of the Treasury, says he was very impressed by the way the "banke
rs fought the Federal Reserve legislation --and every provision of the
Federal Reserve Act -- with the tireless energy of men fighting a forest
fire. They said it was populistic, socialistic, half-baked, destructive,
infantile, badly conceived and unworkable."

But Mr. McAdoo found that when he engaged these bankers in private
conversation, he realized their opposition was merely a smokescreen to hide
their true feelings. He wrote: "These interviews with bankers led me to an
interesting conclusion. I perceived gradually, through all the haze and
smoke of controversy, that the banking world was not really, as much opposed
to the bill as it pretended to be.

It was in this illusionary climate of Wall Street antagonism that Congress
finally bit the bullet and took a chance on this new wonder-plan which
promised to prevent depressions, stabilize the nation's money system and get
Wall Street off the back of the American people. Congressman Charles
Lindbergh of Minnesota whose son would later fly the Atlantic, raised a
mighty voice of protest against the whole scheme, but the majority of the
Congress were either too busy or too enamored with the promises of the new
system to detect the snare.

On December 22, 1913, with the prospects of the Christmas Holiday pressuring
the Congress into final action before the session closed, the House voted
298 to 60 in favor of the new Federal Reserve System, and the Senate passed
it 43 to 25.

Had Thomas Jefferson, James Madison or Andrew Jackson been around, they
would have no doubt exploded with indignation.

Perhaps without quite realizing it, the Congress had created a powerful
engine of private central banking which was given the power to indulge the
bankers' voracious appetite for boom-and-bust economics, confiscatory
taxation, smothering national indebtedness and the promotion of war on a
world-wide scale. No one suspected that this power would be used to
confiscate the people's gold, diminish their savings with inflation, erode
away the value of insurance policies and fixed incomes, destroy the
stability of the dollar, and eventually engulf the nation in a miasma of
foreign entanglements which would threaten the very existence of the United
States as a free and independent people.

All of this would have to be demonstrated as the future unfolded chapter by
chapter during the Twentieth Century.

In our next "Behind the Scenes" letter we will cover "What Every America n
Should Know About How the Federal Reserve System Works." In this next l
etter we will trace the well-nigh incredible story which is finally coming
out in several national best-sellers. These include Time For Truth by former
U.S. Treasury Secretary William Simon, and Free to Choose by the Nobel
prize-winning economist, Dr. Milton Friedman

_________________________________________________________________________

What Americans Find Hard to Believe- How the Federal Reserve System Works

The American colonists suffered so bitterly from the constant manipulation
of their economy by the British money-trust and the privately-owned Bank of
England that they structured the Constitution so that the issuing of money
and the fixing of its value would be under the exclusive control of the
people's government.

Unfortunately, their original design was never carried out. From the very
beginning the vested interests of the private money-trusts were successful
in acquiring sufficient control of the country's finances so that they were
able to make fabulous profits from carefully engineered "boom and bust"
cycles which came on the average of about once every seven to fifteen years.

One of the worst of these "busts" came in 1907-8 and the universal outcry
from coast-to-coast was "Monetary Reform!" So the Federal Reserve was set up
with elaborate machinery which its sponsors promised would achieve some very
exciting things. It would stabilize the dollar, prevent depressions and
promote prosperity. The fact that the entire operation would be in direct
violation of the Constitution seemed trivial compared to all of the
marvelous things it promised to accomplish.

How America Adopted the Idea of a Privately-Owned Central Bank

In spite of the warning of Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, and the provisions
of the Constitution, Woodrow Wilson ran for President on the platform of
adopting a privately-owned central banking system to be called the Federal
Reserve.

In the campaign Wilson promised that the Federal Reserve would get the
nation out from under the oppressive control of Wall Street. What the public
was never told, however, was the astonishing fact that the Federal Reserve
Act actually had been written and promoted by the Wall Street money-trust
itself. Nevertheless, Woodrow Wilson had come to trust these men. They had
financed his campaign for President.

It is not necessary to review all of the intrigue and deception which
surrounded the passage of the Federal Reserve Act. We will simply outline
its highly persuasive promises compared with the cold reality of its
historical performance during the past 65 years. The record shows that
Woodrow Wilson was one of the first to recognize what a horrendous mistake
had been made.

"From Woodrow Wilson with Regrets"

In 1916, just three years after the Federal Reserve System got into
operation President Wilson seems to have suddenly realized what a virtually
uncontrollable power monopoly had been vested in the nation's new Federal
Reserve System. He wrote: "A great industrial nation is controlled by its
system of credit. Our system of credit is concentrated (in the Federal
Reserve System). The growth of the nation, therefore, and all our activities
are in the hands of a few men.... We have come to be one of the worst ruled,
one of the most completely controlled and dominated governments in the
civilized world -- no longer a government by free opinion, no longer a
government by conviction and the vote of the majority, but a government by
the opinion and duress of small groups of dominant men." (Quoted in
"National Economy and the Banking System," Senate Documents Co. 3, No. 23 ,
76th Congress, 1st session, 1939.)

President Wilson's protest against the "duress" of a few dominant men is
especially interesting in view of the dozens of articles he had written as
head of the political science department at Princeton criticizing the
thinking of the Founding fathers and calling for stronger centralized power
in Washington.

In fact, these men from whom President Wilson was feeling such duress an d
domination in 1916 were the very ones he had been praising a few years
earlier when he said: "All this trouble (1907 depression) could be averted
if we appointed a committee of six or seven public-spirited men like P.
Morgan to handle the affairs of the country." H.A. Kenan, "The Federal
Reserve Bank," p. 103.) It would seem that by 1916 the superior wisdom of
the Founding Fathers had become increasingly apparent, even to Wilson.

Additional Mourners

The Federal Reserve Act was sponsored by Senator Robert L. Owen and Senator
Carter Glass. Senator Owen was chairman of the Senate Banking and Currency
Committee where the bill was drafted. The original bill required the Federal
Reserve to maintain stable money which would produce a stable price level.
Very shortly Senator Owen also became one of the mourners and wrote:

"This mandatory provision was stricken out in the House under the leader
ship of Carter Glass. I was unable to keep this mandatory provision in the
Bill because of the secret hostilities developed against it, the origin of
which at that time I did not fully understand."

But he later found out where these hostilities were coming from. He said :
"Under the administrations of Wilson, Harding, Coolidge and Hoover, this Act
was diverted from its proper purpose on the advice of some who controlled
the policies of a number of the largest banks." (Gertrude M. Coogan , Money
Creators, p. IX of Introduction.) Owen spent the rest of his life trying to
get the Federal Reserve System repealed.

It is mentioned in most of the texts that the Federal Reserve Act would
never have passed the House without the support of the Democratic Party
whip, William Jennings Bryan, who later became Secretary of State.

Bryan also became a mourner and wrote: "In my long political career, the one
thing I genuinely regret is my part in getting the banking and curre ncy
legislation enacted into law." (Quoted by H.S. Kenana, The Federal Reserve
Bank, 1967 ed. rev., p. 125.)

Unfortunately, all of these powerful political personalities who had so much
to do with adoption of the Federal Reserve System, found that it was too big
and too powerful to control or repeal once it had become entrenched. All
they could do was mourn.

Federal Reserve System Operates on Three False Premises

The whole purpose of establishing the Federal Reserve System was to prevent
depressions, stabilize the currency, and protect the savings and chec king
deposits of the people in the custody of the banks.

However, there are three things Jefferson, Jackson and Lincoln identified as
outright enemies of a sound money system, and the Federal Reserve co ntains
all three of them.

The first thing they said the nation should avoid is turning over to a group
of private bankers the right to print the official currency of the nation.
They said this right is inherent in the people and belongs to the people's
government. Whenever this right has been delegated to private bankers they
have always used it to abuse the people and gradually devour the wealth of
the nation. Jefferson wrote:

"If the American people ever allow private banks to control the issue of
currency, first by inflation, then by deflation, the banks and corporations
that will group up around them will deprive the people of all property until
their children will wake up homeless on the continent their fathers
conquered." (K.S. Kenan, The Federal Reserve Bank, 1967 ed. rev., p. 2 34.)

When Abraham Lincoln was not able to initiate a monetary reform act but was
compelled to accept the National Bank Act in 1863, he wrote:

"I see in the near future a crisis approach which unnerves me and cause me
to tremble for the safety of my country. Corporations (of banking) have been
enthroned, an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money
power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon the
prejudices of the people until the wealth is aggregated in a few hands and
the Republic destroyed." (H.S. Kenan, The Federal Reserve Bank, p. 6.)

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