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</A> -Cui Bono?-

Bush Pursues `Next Endeavor'

Personable candidate seems to lack driving reason to run for president

Joan Ryan, Chronicle Staff Writer
Friday, February 25, 2000


http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-
bin/article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2000/02/25/MN138.DTL&type=electio
n



George W. Bush's bus is hurtling through the night, heading for one more
rally on the eve of another primary. Already on this day, the Texas governor
and Republican presidential candidate has done two network early-
morning shows, a round-table discussion, four radio shows, three rallies, an
interview with Dan Rather and four satellite feeds. He also lifted weights
and ran five miles on a treadmill. ``I tell people this is the process to show
whether I've got what it takes to be your president,'' he says, sitting next to
his wife, Laura, on a black banquette in the front of the bus. He is slowly,
almost imperceptibly, sliding deeper into the cushions, his only sign of
weariness.

Bush's advisers are strategizing in the back room of the bus while Bush
talks with yet another journalist up front. The stiff-armed, winking, grinning
candidate delivering packaged bromides at rallies is gone. The self-
satisfied debater is gone. Bush is as gracious and likable as a man who
had been voted head cheerleader at Andover prep school and fraternity
president at Yale, whose favorite TV show is ESPN's ``Inside Baseball''
and who, during takeoffs on the campaign plane, delights in the
schoolboyish ritual of rolling an orange down the aisle from his first-row
seat past reporters to see if he can reach the back of the plane.

Despite the lightly veiled references to a wilder side in his younger days,
Bush seems to live the traditional sort of life he preaches. He calls home
every night from the road. He refuses to use his 18-year- old twin daughters
to boost his campaign. He reads four newspapers a day but watches little
television. He writes thank-you notes by the dozens.

He loves grass fields and wooden bats in baseball, and when he was
managing partner of the Texas Rangers, he alone among 28 owners voted
against interleague play and the wild-card playoffs.

``Baseball's a marathon,'' he says about the wild card. ``We shouldn't be
rewarding second-place finishers.''

``As you can tell,'' Laura teases, ``he's very persuasive. He didn't get any of
the other owners to vote with him.''

Bush smiles, then sees an opening for weaving in a political message. ``I'll
tell you this: I went down fighting for principle. I didn't take a poll to figure out
how I should vote.''

Several times during the interview, he tells me I've asked the wrong
question from the wrong perspective, and finally I offer him my notebook
and suggest we skip the middleman and let him interview himself. He
laughs and answers everything anyway, reframing questions to reflect his
own point of view. When I ask him to articulate what he loves about public
office, for example, he turns the question around.

``I don't love the office,'' he says emphatically. ``I love my country. I believe
I've got some talents that will help achieve certain objectives that will make
America a better place, like keeping the peace, like improving education,
like keeping the economy going. And I have a vision for America that will
usher in the Responsibility Era.

``Loving the office, to me, connotes, you know, strutting around like, `I am
the governor. IIIIII am the governor.' ''

CANDIDATE OR PASSENGER?

As the darkened fields and factories and homes roll by the bus windows,
and Bush's careful political packaging begins to loosen, the candidate
shows conviction and compassion around certain issues that, in his public
appearances, often come off as hollow posturing. But he also seems like a
boy riding a bus not so much because he has his mind set on a particular
destination, but because this happened to be the bus that came along.

In other words, for someone who speaks so forcefully of helping Americans
fulfill their dreams, he seems to have had none of his own.

``I've never been one to worry about what my next endeavor would be,'' he
acknowledges, sucking on hard candies to save his voice. ``Somebody
asked me once, `What are you going to do after governor?' I said, `I don't
know.' I'm not the least bit worried about it, either, I want you to know.

``When I went to Harvard Business School in 1973, I just went. I didn't have
a game plan. . . . A few months into my last year, someone asked, `What
are you going to do?' I said, `I dunno.' But I knew what I wasn't going to do. I
wasn't going to Wall Street. I wasn't there to compete. I wasn't there to try to
pad my resume.''

He ended up stopping at his boyhood town, Midland, Texas, on his way to
visit a friend in Tucson, Ariz., and decided to stay. ``I started a little
company and things went well,'' he says. ``It's the nature of my life.''

It seems not to occur to Bush as he says this that he sounds like the trust-
funded, safety-netted, well- connected kid he was, the oldest of five children
whose wealthy grandfather served in Congress and whose wealthy father
became president.

One senses he has yet to question why he has sailed along the path carved
by his father, from Andover to Yale to the oil business to politics. (``Filling
out blue books with pithy statements was not exactly my forte,'' he cracks
about his less-than- sterling Andover days.) Despite coming of age during
the Vietnam War and the counter-culture 1960s, Bush adopted his father's
viewpoints as his own without, it seems, analyzing them too deeply for
himself.

For example, I asked him: Is it possible for a Christian to read the Bible
carefully and thoughtfully and still not be pro-life? I tell him I am a pro-choice
Christian.

He stammers for a moment.

``I don't . . . that's an interesting question. I'm sure there are a lot of loyal
Christians who are pro-choice. Um, I think the thing. . . . That's kind of an
interesting question, because I don't want to condemn anybody.

``Listen, this is what religion is to me.'' He's finding his ground now,
retrieving the familiar phrases. ``I'm a lowly sinner. I have sought
redemption. And, ah, I'm, ah. . . .''

He sighs heavily. ``Far be it from me to condemn you, to say you're not a
religious enough person. Who am I to judge your religiosity? So you're
asking me to take your political points of view and determine what your
relationship is with Christ. And I'm the least equipped to do that.''

But, I wanted to know, isn't his pro-life position based in his faith? This is
the candidate, after all, who cited Jesus as the greatest influence on his
political beliefs.

``My pro-life position is, I believe there's life. It's not necessarily based in
religion. I think there's life there.''

He goes no further.

Bush is sharper in explaining how he comes to a decision when the
principles of his religion and the principles of what he considers good
government seem at odds, such as with the death penalty. He is spirited
but patient in his explanation, having heard the question many times before.
As governor, he says, his job is to uphold the law of the land, and capital
punishment is the law.

But he says he also supports capital punishment personally, despite the
Sixth Commandment. He believes that in the long run, it saves the lives of
future victims of the killer and of potential victims of would- be murderers
who are deterred by fear of the death penalty.

``I'm gonna put this in perspective for you,'' Bush says, now sitting up and
leaning toward me. ``You mentioned God's law. You see, God's law from
the Christian perspective really deals with what happens after you leave
Earth, in many ways. That's what acceptance of Christ is.

``I can't judge a murderer's heart. The law can judge his crime and whether
he was able to get full access to the courts, but far be it from me to judge
what's in somebody's heart. I don't get to decide who goes to heaven. I just
get to decide to uphold the law that says, `You made your choice.' ''

He settles back on the banquette and smiles. ``This does sound like a San
Francisco interview,'' he jokes.

CONCERN FOR THE POOR

What comes through in private that often doesn't in public is his own sense
of connection to the minority underclass. Even when he does speak up on
behalf of the poor, it often slips by unmentioned.

At most rallies in conservative South Carolina, for example, Bush asked the
crowds to remember that illegal Mexican immigrants are parents, too, and
they want the same things for their children that all parents do: food on the
table, a better life.

``Family values don't stop at the Rio Grande,'' he says. The answer is not to
build walls to keep them out, but to help Mexico's economy grow through
more open markets so they no longer have to cross the border for a decent
life, he says.

But at another rally, Bush unwittingly reinforced his white, elitist image when
he stood on stage with a singing and clapping African American gospel
choir and clapped so completely off rhythm that he finally had to step away.
In private, however, he is intensely interested in elevating minority students'
achievements. He clearly has thought about the problems in the nation's
public schools and advocates complicated, even radical, changes.

He wants education programs individually tailored, so students don't get
passed along simply by virtue of their age. He wants to tap the best minds
of Silicon Valley to design new kinds of schools. He supports charter
schools -- and more government help in raising the capital to start them. He
wants much greater funding of Head Start to prepare more children for
learning.

``Life is not so despondent that kids can't learn,'' he says. ``I believe kids
can learn. What I'm telling you is, it can happen. But we have to understand
we can't just leap from here to there. There's an evolution. And a person
like me, during my short period of time in public office, is here to encourage
and enhance that evolution.''

Yet for all his enthusiasm and energy, Bush comes across as someone
who has yet to come up with a driving reason to be president. He is running
mostly, it seems, because the country's Republicans asked him. He would
be loyal to the party and, perhaps most important, he seems manageable,
someone with apparently no grand ideas or philosophy about what he'd like
to do as president.

I wondered what Bush considered his expertise. So I asked: If he walked
into a classroom today and had to teach something for a semester without
a textbook, what could he teach? His answer was perhaps more revealing
than he intended.

``Modern American politics,'' he quickly answered. But he didn't mean
governance.

``I'd walk people through a campaign. I've been in a lot of campaigns, so I
could explain very clearly how the political process works. I guess I would
start with what it means to be a candidate and the role of a candidate. I'd
go from there to the roles of the different major players in a campaign. I'd
look at the advertising, message, themes, how a candidate develops
issues and the timing of campaigns. I've got a very good sense of timing in
campaigns.''

Bush seems a little like the college kid for whom the letter on his sweater is
more important than actually playing on the team. He's a great candidate
with ``great timing,'' a decent man who could become president without
ever setting out to be, a cork on a stream, bobbing toward Pennsylvania
Avenue.


GEORGE W. BUSH

--Born: July 6, 1946, New Haven, Conn.

--Education: B.A. Yale University (1968), MBA Harvard University (1975).

--Military service: Texas Air National Guard (1968-1973).

--Political career: Governor of Texas (1995-present).

--Family: Wife, Laura; twin daughters.

--Message: That he is a ``compassionate conservative'' and a reformer
who gets results.

--Quote: ``California is the place, when they see I'm willing to open up my
arms to new faces and new voices, and welcome new folks into the
Republican Party, then I think the people of this state will say, `I want to
support Gov. George W. Bush.''

--Web site: www.georgewbush.com.


©2000 San Francisco Chronicle
-----------------

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