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Publications of the Center for Security Policy
No. 00-P 19

PRESS RELEASE

29 February 2000

Roundtable Summary Shows C.T.B.T. is Defective and 'Unfixable'
(Washington, D.C.): One of the 106th Congress' crowning achievements occurred
last October when an actual majority of the U.S. Senate rejected the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (C.T.B.T.) on the grounds that it was
unverifiable, inequitable and would do material harm to the Nation's nuclear
deterrent. The Senate did so despite intense pressure from President Clinton,
arms control advocates and pollsters claiming popular support for the
C.T.B.T.'s permanent prohibition on all underground nuclear tests.

In the hope of turning that defeat to advantage, the Clinton-Gore
Administration and its allies are now launching a campaign aimed at euchring
the majority of Senators into undoing their important accomplishment. Toward
that end, television advertisements are being aired in some seven states in the
hope of creating electoral pressure on legislators to reconsider the Treaty and
change their votes. And Secretary of State Madeleine Albright recently
announced that she has asked a former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
General John Shalikashvili, to spearhead "the Administration's effort to
achieve bipartisan support for ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty."

The validity of the courageous fifty-one Senators' judgment in deeming the
C.T.B.T. deficient has just been affirmed, however. A summary issued today (see
the attached) of the proceedings of a High Level Roundtable Discussion convened
by the Center for Security Policy on 2 February, offers compelling reasons for
rejecting the Clinton ban of indefinite duration on all nuclear tests.
Among the participants were more than seventy experienced national security
practitioners including: three legislators who played leading roles in the
C.T.B.T. debate, Senators John Warner, Thad Cochran and Jon Kyl (Republicans
respectively from Virginia, Mississippi and Arizona); former Secretaries of
Defense Caspar Weinberger and James Schlesinger; President Clinton's former CIA
Director James Woolsey; and senior officials from the Nation's three nuclear
laboratories, including Sandia's director, Dr. Paul Robinson.

As Senator Warner, who chairs the Senate Armed Services Committee, observed,
the proceedings of this session entitled "Assuring Nuclear Deterrence after the
Senate's Rejection of the C.T.B.T.," provide an indispensable record for any
future effort to revisit the present Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the
impossibility of "fixing" it. Particularly noteworthy was a statement prepared
for the symposium by one of the most highly regarded living Joint Chiefs
chairmen, General John Vessey. It said, in part:

"It is unlikely that God will permit us to 'uninvent' nuclear weapons. Some
nation, or power, will be the preeminent nuclear power in the world. I, for
one, believe that at least under present and foreseeable conditions, the world
will be safer if that power is the United States of America. We jeopardize
maintaining that condition by eschewing the development of new nuclear weapons
and by ruling out testing if and when it is needed. Consequently, I believe
that ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty -- an accord that would have
imposed a permanent, zero-yield ban on all underground nuclear tests -- is not
in the security interests of the United States.

Secretaries Weinberger and Schlesinger specifically addressed the question "Can
the C.T.B.T. be Fixed?" Both of these distinguished civil servants -- who,
together with former Secretaries of Defense Melvin Laird, Donald Rumsfeld,
Frank Carlucci and Dick Cheney, played a decisive role in the Senate's
deliberations on the C.T.B.T. when they wrote an unprecedented joint letter
urging its rejection -- agreed with Senator Warner's judgment that the present
Treaty is unfixable. Like Gen. Vessey, they regard a zero-yield, permanent
nuclear test ban as incompatible with the United States' national interest.
The two former Pentagon chiefs also took note of an immutable fact of life
concerning any effort to "fix" the treaty: Unless the idea is to make purely
cosmetic adjustments -- calculated to provide political cover to Senators who
wished to change their vote but doing nothing to address the C.T.B.T.'s
underlying problems -- other nations who have signed this accord precisely
because the treaty will undermine America's nuclear deterrent are exceedingly
unlikely to accept adjustments that might help preserve it.
The Center's symposium examined two other subjects with which Senators tempted
to reconsider the C.T.B.T. must reckon:

The Stockpile Stewardship Program: The so-called Stockpile Stewardship Program
(SSP) -- a massive, technically challenging, time-consuming and hugely
expensive effort to develop diagnostic tools that might someday mitigate the
need for, if not supplant, underground nuclear testing -- will not realize its
objective anytime soon. In fact, engineering and construction problems;
difficulties associated with retaining and attracting professionals with the
necessary skills; the Clinton-Gore Administration's failure to provide the
necessary funding; and its unwillingness to plan nuclear tests to calibrate and
validate the SSP's facilities and capabilities may preclude the program from
ever coming to fruition.

The Need for Modernization: It is predictable that U.S. national security
requirements and the deteriorating condition of the Nation's aging stockpile
will dictate modernization of the nuclear arsenal. For example, we will
probably need an earth-penetrating nuclear weapon capable of credibly holding
at risk rapidly proliferating -- and ever-more-threatening -- facilities being
deeply buried by rogue states and other potential adversaries. And weapons
reaching the end of their design lives should be replaced with up-to-date
technology incorporating the most advanced safety and reliability features
available, rather than attempting to rebuild them with components that will
have to be manufactured according to obsolete designs and less exacting
standards.

There is no getting around the fact that, for new weapons designs to be
introduced, they will have to be subjected at least to limited nuclear testing
to ensure that they work. This prospect is completely anathema to C.T.B.T.
proponents and, were the U.S. to seek the latitude to do so in a revised
treaty, it would be summarily rejected by most of the other parties.
In short, the C.T.B.T. is certain to remain unverifiable, unenforceable and
incompatible with the U.S. requirement to maintain a safe and effective nuclear
deterrent for the foreseeable future. The fifty-one Senators who comprised the
majority should take pride in having acted precisely as the Framers of the
Constitution had in mind when they gave the Senate shared responsibility with
the executive branch over treaty-making. They owe no one any apologies -- and
should reject efforts to try to blow through the Senate a "revised" C.T.B.T.
that will surely remain unacceptable.
Copies of the summary of the High-Level Roundtable on "Assuring Nuclear
Deterrence after the Senate's Rejection of the C.T.B.T." may be obtained by
contacting the Center for Security Policy via phone (202-835-9077), fax (202-
835-9066) or e-mail ([EMAIL PROTECTED]).
- 30 -

NOTE: The Center's publications are intended to invigorate and enrich the
debate on foreign policy and defense issues. The views expressed do not
necessarily reflect those of all members of the Center's Board of Advisors.
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� 1988-2000, Center for Security Policy


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