-Caveat Lector-   <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">
</A> -Cui Bono?-

Mar 11, 2000 - 11:43 AM
http://ap.tbo.com/ap/breaking/MGIDGDDGP5C.html
International Justice System Emerging From Ashes of Bloodiest
Century

By Jerome Socolovsky Associated Press Writer

THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) - When the Serbs came to take her
son away, Sabaheta Fejzic fell to her knees and begged the soldiers
to kill her instead.

She last saw 17-year-old Rijade and her husband, Saban, being
dragged off one black day in July 1995, when Serb forces swept into
the U.N. "safe haven" of Srebrenica and overran 150 Dutch
peacekeepers.

Some 8,000 Muslim fathers, sons, brothers and husbands were killed
or disappeared in the Bosnian massacre. Grief has tormented Fejzic
since.

"There is nothing that could ease my pain and the pain of thousands of
other mothers," she says. "But if everyone who is guilty is put on trial,
it might help a little bit to make life worth living."

The clamor for justice by Fejzic and fellow "Mothers of Srebrenica,"
as well as other grieving survivors of wars, ethnic slaughters and civil
oppression, is finally being heard. Monday, the commander who
allegedly ordered the systematic slaughter at Srebrenica goes on trial
at the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal here.

Indeed, an increasingly sturdy framework of international tribunals and
truth commissions is taking shape and showing, more and more, that
justice is bound by no frontiers.

Earlier this month, the Yugoslav tribunal handed down a 45-year
sentence, its stiffest yet, to the first senior military officer it convicted.
Gen Tihomir Blaskic was found guilty of overseeing the 1993 killings
of hundreds of Bosnian Muslims.

The modest successes of the Yugoslav tribunal at The Hague and a
similar court in Tanzania dealing with the 1994 Rwanda genocide are
prompting calls for more tribunals and renewing faith in the promise of
global justice.

"This is a sea change," says Theodor Meron of New York University,
an expert on international law. "Since the establishment of the
tribunals, we have seen acceptance of the notion of prosecution of
those responsible for atrocities."

Experts credit the spread of democracy, the human rights movement
and instantaneous television news coverage of atrocities - which made
it impossible to look the other way.

"What has changed is the perception that they (citizens) can exert their
influence on governments to curb impunity - and the realization by
governments that they can't get away with it anymore," says Cherif
Bassiouni, a law professor at DePaul University in Chicago who
headed a 1993 U.N. commission on war crimes.

A turning point came earlier that year when TV images of emaciated
prisoners in Bosnian concentration camps shocked the world and left
the United Nations with no option but to act. The Security Council set
up Bassiouni's commission, which in turn provided the foundation for
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, which
has 14 judges from assorted countries.

The Yugoslav tribunal was the first war crimes court since the
aftermath of World War II, when 22 Nazis stood trial at Nuremberg
and 28 Japanese leaders were prosecuted by a tribunal in Tokyo.

The Yugoslav tribunal, however, is considered the first truly
international prosecution of war criminals because the German and
Japanese tribunals were imposed by the victors on the vanquished.

So far, judges at The Hague have convicted 14 Serbs, Muslims and
Croats of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Thirty-five others
are in detention. Thirty additional suspects stand indicted - including
former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and his military chief,
Gen. Ratko Mladic, for Srebrenica, and Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic for crimes against humanity in last spring's
Kosovo campaign.

The Rwanda tribunal, based in Arusha, Tanzania, has detained 45
people and sentenced seven Rwandans to life imprisonment, the
maximum penalty at either tribunal.

As other nations struggle to overcome dark chapters in their history,
appeals are sounding for similar tribunals:

-For East Timor, to judge Indonesian troops and pro-Jakarta militias
who went on a murderous, three-week rampage after the Aug. 30
independence vote.

-For Cambodia, to judge the Khmer Rouge for the infamous "killing
fields."

-For Iraq, to judge the regime of Saddam Hussein, a campaign led by
the U.S. State Department.

Meanwhile, momentum is building for a permanent International
Criminal Court that might replace the tribunals.

It would sit at The Hague alongside the International Court of Justice,
better known as the World Court. Unlike the World Court, a U.N.
body that settles disputes between countries, the criminal court could
hold individuals responsible for atrocities anywhere in the world.

The proposal has powerful opposition from the United States and a
coalition of unlikely bedfellows, including Libya, Algeria and China.
Washington fears that U.S. troops deployed in foreign hot spots could
be made targets of politically motivated charges.

Because of such political complications, non-judicial alternatives to
justice are becoming popular.

One is the truth commission, which tries to compile a detailed account
of atrocities for future generations. Victims offer their stories, and
tormentors who confess and show sincere remorse receive pardons.

Truth commissions have been used in post-apartheid South Africa, as
well as in El Salvador and Guatemala, both emerging from long civil
wars.

Perhaps the most prominent example of the way justice can transcend
borders is Gen. Augusto Pinochet, the dictator who ruled Chile from
1973 to 1990.

Pinochet just ended 16 months under British house arrest on charges
of crimes against humanity. The arrest warrant was issued by a
Spanish judge on grounds that some victims were Spanish citizens.
Pinochet returned to Chile on March 3 after Britain ruled him unfit for
trial.

That case helped inspire what has been called the "African Pinochet
case." On Feb. 3, the former dictator of Chad, Hissene Habre, was
indicted on torture charges by a court in Senegal, where he has lived
in exile since 1990. It was the first time an African head of state has
been charged in another country's courts.

Despite the successes of the new legal institutions, criticisms abound.
Among them:

-Snail's pace. Proceedings are excruciatingly slow because the
tribunals are creating new international jurisprudence and taking pains
to appear impartial. The Yugoslav tribunal's first case, of Bosnian
Serb Dusan Tadic, ended in January after four years of hearings and
appeals, with his sentence for torture and murder reduced from 25 to
20 years.

- Little impact: There's scant indication tribunals deter further ethnic
conflicts; the prosecutions at The Hague, for example, did not keep
Milosevic from attacking Kosovo a year ago.

-Diplomatic obstacles: Indictments and warrants may strengthen
targets' resolve to continue war crimes. Mediators in Kosovo said the
Yugoslav tribunal's warrant for Milosevic's arrest only complicated
the task of negotiating with him to withdraw. Similar criticism is
leveled at the U.S. effort to try Saddam Hussein.

Nonetheless, the trend toward tribunals seems irreversible. For
victims and survivors, even imperfect justice is better than none.

Hasan Nuhanovic, a former interpreter for U.N. peacekeepers, lost
his family at Srebrenica. Recently he came to The Hague with Fejzic
and half a dozen other Bosnian Muslims to press for more aggressive
pursuit of the killers.

"This is a symbol of justice for us," says Nuhanovic, pointing to the
former insurance building that houses the Yugoslav tribunal. "It's not
perfect, but it's the only hope we have."
---
On the Net: U.N. sites for the two current war crimes tribunals:
Yugoslavia: http://www.un.org/icty
Rwanda: http://www.un.org/ictr
AP-ES-03-11-00 1141EST © Copyright 2000 Associated Press.
-----------
The arts of power and its minions are the same in all countries and in
all ages. It marks its victim; denounces it; and excites the public odium
and the public hatred, to conceal its own abuses and encroachments.
-- Senator Henry Clay (Whig, Kentucky), 1834

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