-Caveat Lector- <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/"> </A> -Cui Bono?- The Thousand Year Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask Paul Winkler Charles Scribner�s Sons�1943 New York 381 pps. � First Edition � Out-of-print --[2a]-- CHAPTER II THE CAVALCADE OF THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS EVERY PLAN FOR intemational regulation which has been put into practice, or merely proposed (including the League of Nations), presupposes a common ethical principle among the participants. Without such a similarity of moral views it is impossible to achieve any international stability whatsoever. Religions, and the schools of philosophy which they have inspired, have successfully brought the leading nations of the world to a more or less common moral denominator. From this angle, Christianity is not in sharp conflict with Mohammedanism, Buddhism, and Brahmanism. Prusso-Teutonism and the Fehme The Catholic Church at first, then Lutheranism, performed the task of ethical education in Germany too. It can hardly be said that the masses of the German people are influenced by the moral teachings of religion to a lesser degree than other nations. But separate from the "Christian" moral influence�which still carries weight with large portions of the German population�two distinct developments are discernible. These derive from a very different, much more primitive moral concept, barbarous from one point of view and in any case pre-Christian. To say that these two developments stem from pre-Christian ethics may on the surface seem contradictory, for both arise in direct line from organizations of a definitely religious character. The Prusso-Teutonic tradition (or briefly "Prussianism") originates directly from the religious Order of Teutonic Knights, and the "Fehmic" tradition is derived from the notorious Feh me)* the blood-tribunal of the Middle Ages, which had definite ties to the church. But centuries have elapsed since both organizations discarded all their religious characteristics.[ * Also called Vehme or Veme.] Immediately before the first World War, the problem of "Prussianism" was often subjected to the scrutiny of the world and was held responsible for German ambitions of that period. Feeling the danger, the Prussian group acted according to time-honored principles for outwitting savage animals: "If you are without a weapon and fear the lion, lie down and play dead." The trick succeeded, and it is currently believed that the old "Prussian" or "Junker" menace has practically died out since Hitler's accession to power in Germany.** It is extremely important that we penetrate this camouflage. It is not only useful to reveal the connection between Prussianism and present-day Germany; it is equally useful to show clearly the roots from which Prussianisin originated in history long before Frederick II of Prussia and the Great Elector. Only by understanding what these roots were can we appreciate what present-day Germany really is.[ ** Heinrich Hauser, in Time Was-Death of a Junker, bewails the passing of the Prussian Junker, and has succeeded in arousing sentimental regrets among his readers that these "good people" are no more. (Hauser's good faith in the matter is not questioned here.)] Prussianism, in its usual interpretation, hangs in the air. Isolated from its past and from its present, it represents nothing more than an historical curiosity with no direct significance for our times. For us "Prussianism" goes back to the early part of the thirteenth century and is still very much alive in our day. It is the heir of the world-embracing ambitions of the Carolingian and "Holy Roman" Emperors�but at the same time it is also what it became during the centuries in the stuffy and nauseating hot-house of East Prussia. The principal events in Germany between the two World Wars, the reasons for Hitler's rise to power and the events that followed can be understood only by a thorough scrutiny of the Prusso-Teutonic and Fehmic organizations. This should enable us also to understand better the connections between various writers�"theologians of Prussianism," a few of whom we have cited�and the motives which were sufficiently powerful to make them unanimously adopt an attitude in the question of morals which our moral sense, faithful to tradition, strenuously rejects. The Rulers of Prussia Before we go back to the origins of the Prusso-Teutonic conspiracy we may recall that the "Germany" we know is not the same as the Empire which bore this name until 1806. That Empire was composed of a number of little States whose principles of government were almost all similar to those of other European States and whose ethical doctrines were essentially Christian. In the second half of the nineteenth century a remarkable manoeuvre was effected. Prussia, one of these States (the only State whose principles were profoundly different from those of other German and foreign States), succeeded in imposing her rule-at first in 1866 over the other North German States, and in 1870 over every German State except Austria. This two-fold manoeuvre, carried out in first-rate Machiavellian fashion, allowed Prussia to indoctrinate all Germany with her principles. And our centuries-old Prusso-Teutonic problem became from that day on only a "German problem." Prussian principles consisted of discipline with a vengeance, aggressive methods, absolute submission of individuals to the interests of the State, and disregard of all Christian morality where these interests were concerned. >From 1870 Germany, ruled by the Prussians, assumed the role of a Great-Prussia , although her "Prussianization" had only been partly completed. Despite the Prussian influence, a number of traditional German elements had been preserved throughout the country. It was now a question of making the whole Reich accept the idea widely propagated by nineteenth-century Prussian theoreticians: that Germany could not achieve prosperity except by imposing her will, through unceasing conquest, upon other countries. World peace, that age-old dream, could be attained only by creating a unified world under German rule. To reach this goal�a world under German rule�any method would be acceptable. The favored method for effecting this expansion was by bloody wars, deliberately started, and so ruthless that, according to the Prussian theory, the transformation would be all the more lasting. Bismarck was the man who accomplished total seizure of all Germany by Prussia. Although of the same turn of mind as other Great-Prussians, he felt that any plan for expansion must be applied slowly and progressively. Guided by opportunistic considerations he introduced a parliamentary system into Prussia and Germany, which satisfied the masses, even though he personally was opposed to representative government. His friends, whose spokesman he was, were even more opposed to this than Bismarck-but they knew that behind this facade of representative government the real power would remain in their hands, if they proceeded wisely. The conspiracy which had started many centuries ago�a materially founded, actual conspiracy and not a purely ideological and abstract heritage-would live on. The facade may change but the goals always remain the same. A Conspirational Community is Born Hans Krieg, Nazi author writing in 1939 in the Zeitschrift fuer Politik (Vol. 29) says this, directing his words to readers in Germany: ". . . The Teutonic Order, having fulfilled its historical role, was destined to disappear as an organization. However, its legacy of a mighty Prussia, and the Order's basic idea of conspirational community remains a sacred duty for us today." The Prusso-Teutonic organizations of the twentieth century and "Prussian spirit" in general stem directly from the Teutonic Knights of the twelfth century. This religious order, founded at Acre, Syria, in 1190, during the time of the Crusades, from its beginning was distinguished from the two other orders of knights of the Holy Land, the Templars and the Knights of St. John (known later as the Knights of Malta), by its strictly national, or rather racial, character. In order to join the Teutonic Knights, one had to prove pure German ancestry (noble ancestry, of course), whereas membership in the Templars or the Knights of St. John was open to nationals of any country.* Nevertheless there was a definite preponderance of Latins in the membership of these two orders. As a reaction against this, the German Crusaders decided to found a hospital of their own in the Holy Land, reserved exclusively for German Knights who were sick or wounded. A few years later, in 1198, this organization was changed into a Knights' Order. King Philip of Swabia took it under his patronage in 1206; the Germano-Roman Emperor Otto IV did the same in 1213. From this time on the organization may be considered as a purely German political instrument of the highest importance.[*At the beginning of the nineteenth century anyone wishing to enter the Teutonic Order had to prove that eight paternal and eight maternal ancestors were purely German. (C. J. Weber, Das Ritterwesen-Stuttgart, 1835)] Emperors Against Popes The Crusades were born of the almost perpetual conflict between the Papacy and the German Emperors. It was inevitable that rivalry should break out between these two powers, each of which in the eleventh century considered itself supreme. The Emperors, who did not fail to recognize the spiritual influence of the Church, began to appoint Bishops without consulting the Pope. They even managed actually to get Popes appointed. Their opportunity came because the Church had been weakened by the human frailties of certain of its most prominent members. But the Church as an institution was to prove that it possessed greater internal strength than the few weak men who had momentarily been at its head. Cardinals elected new Popes. They came from the great monastery of Cluny, whose influence on Christianity was very important. These Popes, men of Godly existence, restored to the Church its former glory, but only found themselves in greater conflict with the Emperors. Pope Gregory VII was determined to be free of the authority of the State. He proclaimed the spiritual sovereignty of the Papacy throughout the world and preached about St. Augustine's "Kingdom of God on Earth"; he denied the claims of the German "Holy-Roman" Emperors to world rule in a material sense. Emperor Henry IV, of the Franconian line of Emperors (ancestors of the Hohenstaufens through maternal lineage), claimed sovereignty by divine right over mankind and the earth. This resulted in bitter conflict, and in 1076 the Pope excommunicated the Emperor, who came in 1077 to humble himself before the Pope at Canossa. But the struggle was soon resumed, and in 1080 Henry IV had Gilbert of Ravenna appointed "and-Pope," occupied Rome with his troops, installed Gilbert on the Papal throne, and drove out Gregory, who died in exile. The Crusades are Born His successor, Urban II, burned with intense spiritual passion. Banished from Rome, he travelled throughout Christian countries as an "apostolic pilgrim," using the full force of his tongue and pen against Gilbert and the Emperor. Gregory had already spoken in vague terms of a mighty armed pilgrimage to reconquer Jerusalem. Now Urban again took up the idea, and in Italy, Normandy, and Provence, preached the cause of "God's Expedition." He felt certain that if he succeeded in launching such a holy campaign under the banner of St. Peter, he would be striking a telling blow at Gilbert and the Emperor, and the prestige of the Church would thus be restored. Slowly the idea took shape, Crusader troops were organized all over Europe, and finally a speech by Urban to the Clermont conclave loosened the human avalanche which set out toward the Holy Land. The First Crusade was born! The triumphal march of this army across Italy was sufficient to drive the anti-Pope from Rome without a struggle, and Urban again had possession of the Lateran Palace. The prestige of the Emperor suffered a heavy blow. Now that the Pope had regained all his rights, Henry's excommunication was everywhere regarded much more seriously than before. Abandoned by his friends, an outcast, he died in 1106, and was not permitted burial in consecrated ground. These conflicts left a deep impression on succeeding Germano-Roman Emperors. A more or less open rivalry between Popes and Emperors continued throughout the twelfth century Emperor Frederick Barbarossa of the Hohenstaufen family had himself proclaimed "master of the world," Dominus Mundi, in 1158 in the fields of Roncaglia during his second campaign in Italy. He also found himself opposed by the Papacy. His struggles with Rome were particularly remembered by his grandson Frederick II * who was greatly to influence the destiny of the Teutonic Knights.[ * Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250), not to be confused with Frederick II, King of Prussia (1740-86).] During this time two Knights' Orders, born of the Crusades, were founded in the Holy Land: the Templars and the Hospital Knights of St. John, both having their seat at Acre in Syria. Both these orders can from that time on be regarded as armies of the Pope the lack of which had previously been a serious shortcoming to the Papacy. It is therefore not astonishing that the German Emperors should have tried to neutralize these forces. It is quite probable that they were influenced by considerations of this kind when they supported the formation of the purely German-armed Order of the Teutonic Knights. Imperial Monks A skillful manoeuvre: to allow establishment of a Knights' Order, at first of solely religious appearance and with but vague ties to the Empire, so that it would have the consecration by the Pope indispensable to its prestige. It was not until a few years later, when its existence was quite secure, that the Teutonic Order more openly put itself at the service of the Imperial plans for expansion. Hermann von Salza, Grand Master of the organization from 1210 to 1239, was primarily responsible for the profound impulse of the Order in this direction, and he may be considered its true founder in a political sense. >From the time of his accession to power he realized that the Teutonic Knights were, in the Holy Land, in direct competition with the other two older and more respected Knights' Orders. It was therefore preferable for the Teutonic Order to turn toward other lands in order to secure actual conquests. The seat of the Order remained at Acre, but in 1211 Salza arranged with Andrew II, King of Hungary, to send a detachment of Teutonic knights into the "Burzenland" in the south of Hungary (Transylvania) to combat pagan tribes. The territory reserved for the Order was clearly defined in a written agreement drawn up between the King and Grand Master. Nevertheless Andrew soon made the complaint that the Knights were widely trespassing beyond the borders outlined for them, that they were coining money without authority, and, finally, had so cleverly manoeuvred at Rome that the Pope had consented to take the territory occupied by them directly under his protection. This allowed the Knights to consider this territory no longer subject to King Andrew. Heinrich von Treitschke, though well disposed toward the Teutonic Knights, founders of the Prussianism he holds dear, states that they acted in Burzenland "in that spirit of ruthless egotism, fully conscious of its strength, which, from this point on, characterized the statesmanship of the Order." Von Treitschke obviously meant this as a compliment, although he describes the Knights as "dangerous friends" for the King of Hungary. The latter in 1225, having early perceived the danger, hastened to expel these "friends" from his country, before they had time to become too powerful. But we can recognize here, from von Treitschke's frank description, the first evidence of certain traits which have survived to this day among the contemporary descendants of the Teutonic Knights. Following this setback in Hungary, Hermann von Salza sought new lands for the Order to conquer. Frederick II, of the Hohenstaufen family, grandson of Barbarossa, had been Emperor of Germany since 1220, and von Salza was on very good terms with the new Emperor. Frederick II was an extremely curious individual, highly cultured for his day, but with a combination of the most contradictory traits in his personality. He was both adored and hated, and often called the Antichrist. Hermann von Salza was very devoted to him, frequently acting as his intermediary with the Pope. When in 1226 he discovered a new land, conquest of which might compensate for his humiliating defeat in Hungary, he immediately turned to Frederick II, and placed the campaign he was about to undertake under his patronage. Hermann von Salza managed to have conveyed to Conrad of Masovia, Christian Duke of Poland, the idea that the Teutonic Knights might give him valuable assistance in his battles against heathen tribes. Among these tribes the Slavic Borussians (Prussians) were most famous. Bishop Christian, a Bernardine monk settled as a missionary within the borders of Borussia, acted as intermediary for the Order. It was he who, believing in the sincerity of the Knights, mentioned them to the Duke. Early in 1226 a formal invitation from Conrad arrived at the Order. Von Salza consulted Frederick II at once and the latter, in his Bull of Rimini, entrusted von Salza, with an imperial "mission" for his future campaign. A Charter for Future Action This Bull,* which doubtless revealed but a minor part of the agreement between the two men (the part which might safely be made public) was the very basis for all future action of the Teutonic Knights; a permanent charter for all Prussian conquest, and all German political expansion which, during centuries to come and until this day, was to radiate from that territory.[ * See complete text of the Bull, page 363] The uncompromising spirit with which the Teutonic Order pursued its aim sprang from the "imperial mission" which was entrusted to the Order in this Bull. This document also clearly defines the ambitions of the Hohenstaufen Emperors as they appear to us as opposed to those of the Papacy. It was this Bull which launched the Order on the path of conquest against Slavic Countries�but its full scope exceeded by far this particular conquest. In the Bull of Rimini, the Emperor described himself "by the merciful tenderness of God" head of the Empire "erected before the Kings of the August Earth." He asserted that God has "extended the limits of our power throughout the various zones of the world." The reason (or rather the excuse) given to justify this claim was the "preaching of the Gospel." (The Holy See often violently opposed, in the time of Frederick II as in the time of his predecessors, such claims of the Germano-Roman Emperors to world rule, and refused to admit that the pretext of a religious mission justified such PurPoses. This is in fact the very origin of the secular conflict between Popes and Emperors, and the reason for excommunication of several Emperors, including Frederick II.) Further Frederick specified that his mission of Empire was directed "not less to subjugation than to conversion of the people"; which makes still more apparent a preponderance of imperialistic ambitions. This phrase, moreover, is a clear indication of the methods by which the Order was to carry out the Imperial mission entrusted it by the Bull. The Bull states that in this spirit and by virtue of the invitation of Duke Conrad of Masovia (whom the Emperor calls "noster Cunradus," consequently his vassal) the *Teutonic Order is charged with conquering the territory described (intentionally, no doubt) in very vague terms: a land known as the "Land of Culm"; another country situated between the borders of the Duke's land and those of the Prussians (Borussians); and finally the Prussian country itself. Elsewhere the Bull adds that, besides the right of conquest in the territories conceded by the Duke of Masovia. and in the Prussian country, the Order shall enjoy "the old and due imperial rights over mountains, plains, rivers, forests and seas" (velut vetus et debitum ius imperii in montibus, planicie, fluminibus, nemoribus et in mari). The Bull further confirms that all territory conquered or received as a gift by the Order shall belong to it entirely, with all the rights and privileges of a sovereign imperial prince, including the right to levy taxes and duties, coin money, exploit all sorts of mines, name judges, impose territorial laws, etc. German historians of the Teutonic Order note with satisfaction that by this Bull the Order was provided for a long time ahead with a broad plan of action. Indeed the terms of the Bull were so generally drawn that any future activity of the Order, regardless of its nature, would come under the special patronage of the Emperor, and would be supported by him. On the other hand, the Order was henceforth to be bearer of the mission of expansion, which, according to Carolingian tradition, was the very essence of Empire. "A Paraphrase of the Real Goals" The campaign on the Polish border did not begin until 1231, after long preparation, five years after Frederick II, the Emperor who dreamed of world dominion, had given the Order an impetus which was to keep its full force for many centuries. The Duke of Poland was bitterly to regret inviting the Teutonic Knights into his country. The Bernardine Bishop Christian was to share these regrets at having suggested the idea to Conrad, for later he was kidnapped, imprisoned and cruelly tortured by the Borussians, whom he suspected of acting with the encouragement of the Knights. The cynicism of the Order, which was to remain unchanged over the centuries, was evident here in all its strength. The Knights began the campaign with the firm resolve to keep for their Order exclusively all conquered territory, and to extend their conquests far beyond the lands of Culm and Prussia (where lived the wild Borussians, a heathen Slavic race), their first goal, and object of the agreement with Duke Conrad. The object of the campaign was to secure more and more territory for the Order. To succeed in this any means would do, and any excuse was valid for waging war against peaceful neighboring princes, even those who were Christian, if their land were coveted. In the thirteenth century, the characteristic Prusso-Teutonic methods were already definitely crystallized. The avowed aim of the Order was to convert the heathen. This aim alone received the Pope's approval. In the understanding of the Emperor (as illustrated in his Bull) "Subjugation of the heathen" was not less important. The Emperors, fully aware of the enormous spiritual power of the Church, always found it convenient (even at the time of their most violent conflicts with the Papacy) to maintain this religious front in order to make their imperialistic ambitions appear legitimate. Frederick II, while under excommunication, left for a Crusade to the Holy Land, despite opposition by the Pope, so that he might prove to the world that he was leading the struggle against the heathen. This "struggle against the heathen" was, for the Germano-Roman Emperors, what the "struggle against Jews and Communists" is for Hitler today�a pretext, and a most transparent one. The German writer Hans Krieg, whom we mentioned before, writing in 1939 (i.e., when the Nazi regime was already in full flower) acknowledges definitely that conversion of the heathen was only a screen and that actually the Order was concerned with increasing the territory of the "Reich." "Conversion of the heathen Prussians was a contemporary paraphrase of the real goals�a paraphrase adapted to those times." Krieg does not attempt to deny the duplicity of such an attitude, without describing it as such, but adds that in view of the "grandiose vision of the whole" pursued by the Order the methods employed did not matter much. Krieg uses a modern expression very familiar to us, when he describes the true mission of the Order: "increase of German living space" ("Lebensraum"). He does not fail to state moreover, without going into detail, that "the Teutonic Order has transmitted this mission as a legacy to the Germany of today." Frederick Bequeaths His Imperial Ambitions Emperor Frederick II who, with Hermann von Salza, was responsible for the Teutonic Knights' great adventure into Prussia, was one of the queerest men of the Middle Ages. Son of Henry VI and grandson of Frederick Barbarossa, he felt responsible for carrying out his forefathers' inordinate ambitions. The tide "dominus mundi" proudly borne by his grandfather awakened powerful responses in his highly mystical soul. His most ardent desire seems to have been to continue this tradition and maintain it for posterity, and this desire dictated all his acts and decisions. He finally came to realize that the violent opposition of the Pope would doubtless not permit him to pursue his scheme for imperial expansion and perpetual conquest by direct means. He decided therefore to use the Teutonic Knights by charging the Order with an imperial mission suiting his own purposes. Thus a double advantage was achieved. He succeeded in covering up his real ambitions by having them carried out by a so-called religious Order under the pretext of "converting the heathen." Even the Pope who had excommunicated him could not criticize such activity. Besides in bequeathing his schemes to an Order following strict monastic rules which assured its permanence, he could hope that his intentions would be carried out not only during his lifetime, but in future times as well. Frederick had had ample opportunity to get a clear idea of the power acquired by the two other Knight's orders, the Templars and the Knights of St. John. He understood that their strength lay in their rigid organization, the strictness of their rules, and also in what was known as their "secret." The "secret" of religious Orders of the Middle Ages was a powerful motive which insured absolute devotion of the members to the purposes pursued. It was not so much the content of this secret which mattered (although it usually bore, at least symbolically, some relation to the real designs of the Order). What mattered was the very existence of a secret. Men bound by a common secret, sub ject to the same vow of silence on certain questions, were likely to devote themselves more ardently and with steadier zeal to the common cause, than if they were bound by purely rational obligations, devoid of mystery. Modem society has greatly neglected this helpful factor, so very important in the Middle Ages and ancient times. Frederick II, whose mystical soul divined what he could expect from the closed organization of an Order built on mystic vows and a secret, firmly intended to use them in carrying out his plans. Both rules and organization of the Teutonic Order had been copied from those of the Templars. The Templars, had a secret (although it is unlikely that its content was as mal-odorous as certain witnesses claimed during the famous trial instituted against them early in the fourteenth century by Philippe le Bel-the trial which was to end in the annihilation of this Order). Both Templars and Hospitalers, aside from their own leaders recognized only God and the Pope as their masters. Frederick repeatedly found himself in difficulty with both Orders, and especially with the Templars. For his tastes, they were too devoted to the interests of the Papacy, with which he was in constant conflict. He therefore deemed it profitable to do everything possible to fortify the position of the Teutonic Order, on which he could depend ever since his close alliance with Hermann von Salza had been concluded. He knew that the Teutonic Order, apparently a religious Order like the other two Knights' Orders, was much more devoted to him than to the Pope and could be safely con-sidered the faithful heir of his ambitions. Can these "ambitions," these "intentions," be described as peculiarly "German"? In the thirteenth century the word had a meaning different from what it has for us. Frederick II was German only on his father's side. His mother was Constance of Sicily, and the education he received in his own youth was much more Sicilian than German. He was a sort of Renaissance figure- before the Renaissance. But Frederick, in achieving his imperialistic plans, had met with more difficulties in Italy than in Germany. Although the German princes were often not easy to handle, he still had a greater hold on the German nobles than on the Italian. In view of this, the Teutonic Order, which was an organization of German noblemen, was able to bring him valuable help-especially because of his sincere friendship with the Order's Grand Master. Thenceforth he could consider the Teutonic Knights the dependable force on which he might rely. Because of the instability of imperial power, Frederick had had every reason to strengthen as much as he could the position of the Order. It is because of this that he elevated it to the rank of a State of the Empire�to make it the principal performer of what he considered the imperial task. In reading the text of the Bull of Rimini, one may wonder whether the Emperor had not wished to grant the Order a certain independence from the Empire. This could be explained by the fact that Frederick had been very uncertain regarding \he immediate future of the Empire. One of his sons, Henry, whom he had had appointed "King of Germany," had later revolted against him; Frederick had been obliged to have him thrown into prison, where he died. His other sons did not appear to have much strength or promise. He had therefore no way of knowing what family would occupy the throne of the Empire in future generations. Frederick must have realized that his own family, and an Empire poorly consolidated, would offer fewer guarantees for continuance of his imperial ambitions than would a rigidly organized Order with which he had spiritual ties. It is not surprising, then, that he should have assigned such an important role to the Teutonic Order, both in the Bull of Rimini and by his subsequent aid. He must have experienced a kin of satisfaction in seeing his task pursued by an Order to which he had brought real life by giving it a rais on'd etre. This satisfaction can be compared to that felt by the modem industrialist who bequeaths his concern to his employees. But Frederick 11 was a mystic (which modern industrialists rarely are), and must therefore have felt a satisfaction all the greater when he thought of the influence he was exerting on the future through the medium of the Order. Frederick II cannot be considered a "German Nationalist" according to modern terminology. The Germanic racial character of the Teutonic Order charged with execution of his schemes was secondary to the Emperor, cosmopolitan par excellence. The Order had been organized according to German racial laws before it became associated with Frederick. These racial laws were likewise class laws, for it was necessary to belong to a noble German family to be admitted to the Order. Frederick had no reason to wish to change the Order's purely "noble German" aspect, for this contributed greater unity to the organism. But aside from such considerations, the problem of German nationalism did not concern the Emperor at all. In the Bull of Rimini, Frederick describes himself at the beginning and the end as "Emperor of the Romans, King of Jerusalem and of Sicily." He makes no mention of German countries anywhere in the Bull. The continuation of the ancient Roman Empire was part of his mystical vision of life, and purely German traditions meant nothing to him. He longed to be "dominus mundi," Lord of the Earth, for to be a German Emperor seemed to him, under Carolingian tradition, too restricted a task. The Teutonic Order, while maintaining the German racial organization of its beginnings, concentrated chiefly on perpetuating the spiritual heritage bequeathed by Frederick II, and developed, from this stock, its own traditions. These traditions were necessarily distinct from all other German traditions, and it was inevitable that at some time in later centuries a struggle should arise between the two traditions. Antichrist? While still a young man, Frederick had hoped to accomplish the greater part of his colossal ambitions during his own lifetime. Fedor Schneider, in a lecture given at the University of Frankfort (published in the 1930 collection of Frankfurter Universitaetsreden) says with regard to this: "Frederick's program of imperial politics was completely formed by the time he was about twenty. The first objective would be an absolute and thorough centralization of the Kingdom of Sicily, the Norman State of his ancestors. Through the strength thus gained in Sicily he might reconquer Italy (which Barbarossa previously had conquered and lost) acquiring control over more territory even than Barbarossa. Then, using all Italy as a base, the Emperor planned not only to reestablish his imperial authority in Germany, but to strive for world dominion in the spirit of Henry IV." The plans formed by Frederick in his youth were extremely idealistic. He dreamed of an empire of justice, of world peace. We have no reason to doubt the sincerity of his interest in these objectives. His extremely wide culture helped to make him both visionary and tolerant. He was very active in the study of natural history and contributed considerably to the development of medical science in Italy. In 1224 he founded the University of Naples, and also enlarged the medical school at Salerno. He spoke six languages: Greek, Latin, Italian, Ger-man, French and Saracen. He wrote poetry in the most varied and difficult meters. He surrounded himself with poets, scien-tists and artists. He collected works of art and had a magnifi-cent library. He was also known for his tolerance towards Mohammedans and Jew. In his youth he appeared to be a faithful son of the Church. Moreover he owed his election as Emperor to the sponsorship of the Pope. But his faith was not to evolve along very orthodox lines, and he was often accused of scepticism with regard to Church doctrine. He was much interested in astrology and the occult sciences which he had learned from the Saracens in Sicily, the home of his mother. With age he showed more and more independence with respect to the Church, and set a price on his obedience. The conflict became increasingly sharp, and Frederick was finally excommunicated. Frederick's struggles with the Pope and the Italian cities revived the old conflict between "Guelfs" and "Ghibellines." The Guelfs supported both the Papacy and the idea of freedom. They composed the party of the "Rights of man" of that period: their political doctrines harmonized with the Church's recognition of the sacred character of the human person. The Ghibellines were followers of the Hohenstaufens, who favored strong centralized power-and absolute imperial power. Here the popular Christian ideal struggled against the ideal of an ever-expanding imperialism. The Guelfs came primarily from among the lesser nobility and the city bourgeoisie, while the Ghibelline idea took root among the high nobility. The Guelfs were named after the German family of Welf. The expression "Ghibelline" is an Italian corruption of the German "Waiblingen," which was the name of a Hohenstaufen castle. Welf I was a powerful noble at the time of Henry IV and received Bavaria from him as a fief. Later, as a result of the rivalry for the imperial throne, fierce hostility developed between the families of Welf and Hohenstaufen. The struggles extended to Italy, where the Hohenstaufens wished to rule with the same absolutism as in Germany. Both families had their ardent champions, recruited from among individuals of opposing schools of thought. The origin of the rivalry was soon forgotten; but cleavage between the two camps remained, dividing the members according to their opposed mental attitudes. Partisans of Barbarossa and of Frederick II in their struggles against the Popes were recruited, naturally, from among the Ghibellines. Frederick spent the second part of his life struggling against the Lombard cities and the Papacy. From this time on he changed considerably. The idealism of his youth had departed. From now on he was a hard man who respected nobody and stopped at nothing. His vision of world empire was no longer humanitarian. His sole concern now was the winning of absolute power at any price, in opposition to the Church's claim of spiritual domination over the entire world. It was then that he declared: "From now on I shall be the hammer." His imperialistic ideas, of course, aroused determined opposition from the Church. Until now the Church trusted him, forgetting that this was the grandson of the ambitious Frederick Barbarossa. Traits of Frederick's character, which he inherited from Sicilian forebears on his mother's side, may have been misleading. Sicily was at that time the melting pot of the Mediterranean. There Greeks and Saracens had introduced their highly developed cultural traditions. Frederick's mixed blood is perhaps the very explanation of his contradictory nature. In the second phase of his life all the harshness of the Holienstatifens characterized him. The description, "Stupor mundi," applied in his youth in an admiring sense, now symbolized the terror which he inspired everywhere. His biographer, E. Kantorowicz (in Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite-1928 *)[* The translation is my own from the German original.], describes Frederick during this second phase of his life as follows: "Attila's air surrounded him and he alone could keep on breathing it-just as it was Attila's mission which was now his, and which only he could comprehend. His contemporaries instinctively bestowed Attila's title, 'Scourge of the Peoples' and 'Hammer of the World' on him, and his followers no longer referred to him merely as 'he who rules over land and sea,' or 'he who makes the winds to rejoice,' but rather as 'he whose power tramples the mountains and bends them at will.' All Europe suffered terribly under him, both friend and foe alike, Italy and Germany in particular; and to those who did not worship him and were not his followers, Frederick now represented the very epitome of all evil. The capacity for evil possessed by Frederick was indeed rare in a ruler of his stature . . . nor has anyone taken greater pleasure in doing evil. Where the State was concerned he had always been capable of any cruelty, treachery, violence, cunning, deceit, harshness�of any outrageous behavior. 'I have never reared a pig whose fat I would not eat' was one of his expressions. But where previously he had committed evil for the sake of the State, now it was for its possible effect in the world struggle which went on around his person; and he alone had come to be the State. Where previously the needs of the State constituted right, now it was the Emperor's personal needs. What he required at the moment and what might be useful as a weapon were now considered right . . . and where, in the past, laws had been bent to the interests of the State and the world at large, they were now bent to suit imperial caprice. The theory that the welfare of the Empire, of other Kings and nations, and of those who believed in him depended on his personal weal or woe-was frequently proclaimed. Every act and move of his now seemed more tyrannical, more violent , more monstrous and in fact more ruthless, since it was useful only in the preservation of a single individual." Kantorowicz gives the following description of the effect produced by Frederick on the minds of his contemporaries: "The entire life of Frederick II can be interpreted in the Messianic as well as the Antichrist spirit. It was the common belief that the Antichrist begotten in sin, would be surrounded by magicians and wizards, astrologers and sorcerers . . . and he would restore demon worship: he would strive for personal fame and would call himself God Almighty. He would come to Jerusalem and install his throne in the Temple . . . he would restore the ruins of the Temple of Solomon and then, lying, claim to be the son of the Almighty. At first he would convert the Kings and Princes, and through them, later, the people. He would dispatch his couriers and preachers to all parts of the world, and his preaching, as well as his power, would reach from sea to sea, from east to west and from north to south. With him, however, the Roman Empire would come to an end. And he would accomplish signs and wonders and unheard-of deeds-but unprecedented confusion would reign over the Earth. For when his deeds were witnessed, even the perfect ones and God's chosen would doubt whether he were Christ-who, according to the Scriptures, will come again at the end of the world-or whether he were the Antichrist. They would look like one another. . . . "And Frederick's behavior always allowed for double interpretation. In his display of the exotic splendor of both his court and his menagerie, he might be considered by some as a universal King ruling over all peoples and races-men and beasts-as the Messiah, under whose scepter all animals shall lie down together in peace . . . while others might have seen, in this galloping procession of pards and owls and dark-skinned Corybantes, sweeping through Italian cities, the very Hosts of the Apocalypse." Frederick II liked to trace his behavior to his grandfather, Frederick Barbarossa. It is quite possible that the legends attached to the latter largely influenced the dreams of his grandson. Frederick II maintained for example that the Teutonic Knights had been founded by Barbarossa, a claim which seems to have no justification in fact. In the popular mind the legends inspired by Frederick's death fused with those which centered about his grandfather at an earlier time. When Frederick II died, people did not believe it: had it not been said that the Emperor would live to the age Of 267 years? For almost a century after his death impostors pretended to be Frederick. In Italy it was said that he was not dead, but that he had retired inside Mount Aetna. A Franciscan monk told of having been deep in prayer along the edge of the sea, when he noticed a company of several horsemen disappearing with their mounts among flames into the water. One of these riders said to him: "It is Emperor Frederick who is leading his Knights into Aetna." The German legend mentions Mount Kyffhaeuser as the refuge of Frederick and says that he will live there until he returns to lead his people. It was assumed that this refers to Frederick Barbarossa. It is probable that the story was told originally about Frederick II, and that this is one of those confusions of personalities which is common in all folklore. The mysticism of Frederick II, allied with that of Hermann von Salza, was behind the vast and daring imperial mission which had been assigned to the Order of the Teutonic Knights. Frederick bequeathed it all of his incontinent ambitions and all of his utilitarian ruthlessness. The Emperor's word, "I have never reared a pig whose fat I would not eat," could have been the motto of the Order. Like its spiritual ancestor, it too was to become "Hammer of the World" and "Scourge of the Peoples." And the description of Frederick II, -"what he required at the moment and what might be useful as a weapon were now considered right,"�can equally and unreservedly be applied to the Order. It was Frederick II who instructed the Order in the strict methods used by the Normans of Sicily in organizing the State. The Order's entire set-up of Knight-officials, which was to be the basis of the severe Prussian official system, sprang from there. In transmitting to the Order all the conceptions deriving from the second phase of his life, Frederick II was careful not to bequeath to it any of the ideas and principles of his youth, which were marked by humanitarianism and tolerance. Conversion as a Pretext The conversion and oppression of the Borussians by the Teutonic Knights were carried on by fire and sword. These Borussians were a savage people who knew how to make themselves feared, but the Knights opposed them with all their Teutonic harshness, the arrogance of their caste and the fanaticism derived from their monastic origins-fanaticism strengthened by severe rules and regulations inspired by those of the Templar Order.* A cruel campaign followed in which the Borussians were unable to resist the superior forces of the Order. By 1260 almost the entire territory of the Borussians had passed into the hands of the Order. Hermann von Salza died in 1239 and Frederick II in 1250, but their deaths did not change the course of events. The future paths of the Knights were all clearly defined; now, subjected to the strictest discipline, they unswervingly pursued their task of conquest.[ * See page 231 for more details] The methods used by the Knights from the beginning of their campaign were severely criticized by contemporary chroniclers, most of whom were themselves German. This criticism was also taken up by the German clergy established in various sections of the Borussian territory, as well as the German missionaries belonging to non-armed orders. All of these deluged Rome with petitions complaining bitterly about the cruel and hypocritical behavior of the Teutonic Order. One of their complaints was that the Knights had made absolutely no effort to convert the conquered peoples. On the contary, the Order hindered such conversion because as long as the heathen remained heathen, they could be considered as slaves: the Knights could exploit them at will, entirely for their own ends. Modem German authors have no illusions as to the true ends pursued by the Order. The "contemporary paraphrase of the real goals" acknowledged by Hans Krieg is accepted by most German historians. Dr. Bruno Schumacher, in a work published in 1927 (Der Staat des deutschen Ordens in Preussen) described as follows the basic ideas governing the foundation of the Order's State: "The first colonization of this land, cities used as military bases, and great land-grants made to people eligible for Knight service, seem to have been dictated primarily by military considerations. This all became changed by 1283, when the conquest was complete. Only now did the idea of a National State begin to take shape. A vigorous and systematic colonization of the land by German peasants was effected. At the same time this network of cities was extended-no longer for defense needs only but also for administrative purposes. . . . But the completion of this founding of a State was realized only with the acquisition of Pomerania-Minor. This Vistula land, which for a long time had been within the range of East German colonization, was acquired by dint of the greatest diplomatic skill, with the definite intention of using it as a connecting link to Germany. In this, there is not much of the spirit of the Crusades to be discerned, but what does stand out strikingly is the foresighted political activity in the tradition of Hermann von Salza." August von Kotzebue, the famous German writer, did extensive research among the archives of the Order at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and published his findings in 1811, under the title, Preussens aeltere Geschichte. He claimed that he could find no evidence that these peculiar armed monks, the Knights, had ever attempted to preach the Christian religion. "They wanted to conquer a land, not a people; establish dominion and not the teachings of Jesus. In this they took advantage of Europe's 'holy madness'." The "holy madness" of this period was the "struggle against the heathen." As already pointed out, with minor differences the Teutonic methods of the thirteenth -and twentieth centuries are identical. The slogan of "conversion of the heathen" used by the Teutonic Knights assured them sympathy in different parts of the Christian world, despite the abuses of which they were accused by respectable people. It also allowed them considerably to expand their forces through the constant influx of young warriors coming from all German countries. Actually it now became fashionable to participate in this crusade into the Borussian country-as it had formerly been to depart for the Holy Land at the behest of the Pope. In this, Frederick II and the shades of his ancestors who had survived in the Order's traditions won the advantage over the Pope. Although formally a religious order, the Teutonic Order pursued its own ends in accordance with the spirit of its imperial mission. And it went further. Having taken over the aims toward an imperium mundi of Frederick II and the Germano-Roman emperors, the Order might be considered, following Frederick's death, much more the spiritual successor to the limitless ambitions of this strange man and his predecessors than was the German Empire itself. The latter from now on lost much of its brilliance, and appeared in a less threatening light. Frederick II had been the last great Germano-Roman Emperor, and the Hohenstaufen line died out with his son, who reigned but a few years. The German Emperors who followed them descended from other families. They did not continue these Carolingian ambitions, and not one claimed the name of "dominus mundi." The Order therefore regarded itself thenceforth not only as bearer, but also as sole heir of that mission which it had been assigned by the Germano-Roman Emperors. And while the Christian spirit of "Leben und leben lassen" ("live and let live") was becoming widespread throughout the rest of Germany, the Order pursued its aims of perpetual conquest with egocentric ruthlessness, and later bequeathed them to the Prussian State. The Gratitude of the Order The Order extended its territory deeper and deeper into the Slav country until the fifteenth century. Those "Prussians" (Borussians) who did not submit were cruelly slaughtered. The "collaborationists" of this period were more or less safe, but in order to gain the favor of their conquerors, they were forced to give up their native language. Finally their descendants intermingled with the conquerors. The Germanized Borussian nobility now married among the German "beggar-noblemen" (Betteljunker) who had settled in the countries of the Order in the wake of the Knights. Together they were to form the Prussian Junker caste, which has been referred to frequently. For the purpose of constantly extending their territory, the Knights, on the flimsiest of pretexts, waged successive wars against all their neighbors, who, for the most part, were Christian: the Lithuanians, the Samaites, the Esthonians, the Russians, the Pomeranians, the Krivitzians, and above all the Poles. After Prussia, Pomerania-Minor was taken over, but the Order's conquests did not halt at this point. The Order did not, moreover, intend to stop at any point. The tentacles of the Teutonic squid reached out ever further with insatiable avidity. In the course of centuries the whole territory thus conquered became known as Prussia. Kotzebue, reliable historian of the Knights, described their intrigues in provoking war against the heroic Swantopolk, Christian Duke of Pomerania, so that they might seize his country. Swantopolk had rendered the Order great services. The Knights were never impressed by such considerations, when the expansion of their territory was involved. The Order, using to advantage the weak character of the Duke's brother, and sowing discord between the two brothers, procured for itself an ally in the very country it planned to conquer. Thus, the Order excited the rage of the Duke, and through a series of incidents provoked a war with him-which was valuable in carrying forward their aims for conquest. Kotzebue relates that Swantopolk was under no illusions where the friendship he might expect from the Order was concerned: "He could already foresee his future fate, observing that of the unfortunate Prussians [Borussians]. He knew that the Knights would never lack a pretext, a Papal Bull or an imperial sanction when, after having successfuly subjugated the heathen, their insatiable lust might be attracted to the lands of the Pomeranian sovereign. Realizing this, he found it both prudent and just to support the Prussians: prudent because their still unbroken power afforded him security; just, because the Order, in oppressing the Prussians, violated agreements of which he was the Trustee. "Swantopolk was the son of Mestwin, Duke of Pomerania. The dying father entrusted Swantopolk with the guardianship of his younger brother, Sambor, and made Sambor swear to obey Swantopolk. The harmony between the two brothers was destroyed by the Order's intrigues. "The Christian Order," says Kotzebue, "knowing neither shame nor gratitude, provoked and armed brothers against one another, thus rewarding the unsuspecting Duke, who had welcomed and supported them with noble confidence. For it was Swantopolk's bravery alone that had saved the Germans from destruction on the banks of the Sirgune in 1233. For five years he remained their confederate (1238); would not make peace with the heathen without the Order's consent; even subjected himself to the Papal anathema rather than be unfaithful to them. He remained silent even when they befriended his enemies-the Poles. "But when the Order, disregarding the duties and oaths it had taken, now reduced the unfortunate Prussians to a state of socage, the latter, their arms, enchained, turned to Swantopolk, the trustee of their compact. He now felt that to remain silent any longer would be criminal (1239). But he did not yield hastily to an unruly desire for war; rather he wanted first of all to try everything to awaken a spirit of justice and humanity in the Order instead of shedding blood. In outspoken fashion, and in a manner befitting a brave man and a mighty sovereign, he presented himself before the 'Landmeister' (regional master) of the Knights as a spokesman for the oppressed. But the Landmeister, aloof and excitable, accused the noble spokesman of being a traitor and of stirring up the populace. Swantopolk, although angered, was above these personal insults and was guided simply by the interests of his followers. Even now he would not draw the sword; he was determined to exhaust every peaceful and legal means so that some day the curse and responsibility for having started a war would fall directly on the heads of the Knights. . . . It was only when Sambor, the obdurate brother, built the citadel of Gordin (with aid from the Order) and turned it over to Swantopolk's enemies for their assemblies that Swantopolk drew the sword-not for conquest, but moved only by prudence and by human sympathy for the sufferings of the Prussians. "The arrogant Knights had the impression that his only followers would be the Prussian masses, because the nobility had frequently caroused with them. But these nobles too, now become sober, recognized the new danger. They were still being handled with consideration, but what might they expect after their people were thoroughly enslaved? For a long time their indignation had mounted when they saw how undeserving Germans were appointed to the principal offices and received large estates. They were no longer to be lured by revelry. They too were called to arms by the wails of the oppressed." A long war ensued, terminating in the conquest of Pomerania by the Order. The methods used against Swantopolk are characteristic of the Teutonic Knights' behavior over a period of centuries. Pretexts were always found to provoke war against those princes whose lands they coveted. If such pretexts did not exist they managed to create them, so that responsibility for the ensuing conflict would always be placed on their adversaries. The Mania of Conquest Kotzebue describes the infernal urge toward perpetual conquest in this manner: ". . . that shameful depravity, referred to where the humble are concerned as greed, and, where the mighty, as the spirit of conquest: considered-in the first case-with universal contempt; in the second with admiration by the petty . . . if that scourge of humanity spurs on some individual sovereign, it cannot take from the oppressed at least one comforting hope: that some day even the conqueror must die. But once this mania takes possession of an organism which never dies (because, in place of decaying extremities, it constantly shoots forth new ones) the ground, put to fire by its mania, becomes eternal Hell. Such a monstrosity was the German Order! In vain did a few of its Grand Masters desire peace and justice; they were but as the healthy head of a diseased body; a body whose poison spread ever farther and farther. Those who willingly accept some conquering Duke as their neighbor certainly regret it, but to a lesser degree than those fools who accepted the conquering Order on their borders." The Teutonic Grand Masters had originally imposed a rigid discipline among the brothers of the Order, setting up a strict and exacting administration. The latter was run by means of a body of Knight-officials, whose organization had been inspired by the Normano-Sicilian officials of Frederick Il. (This traditional severity, aggressiveness and intolerance of the Knight officials was carried over later in a direct line to the administration of the Prussian Kingdom.) Despite this inner severity and partly, perhaps, because of it, all sorts of abuses arose in the countries of the Order. The treatment to which the Knights subjected the conquered people was, from the very beginning, most inhuman and led quite frequently to their severe condemnation by the Holy See, which at times went so far as to place them under ban. Already in 1258 Pope Gregory IX had written: "The heathens were oppressed by no yoke before their darkness was illuminated by the torch of faith; yet despite this, the Brothers dare to steal the property and the freedom of those who are no longer sons of Ishmael but who have been redeemed through the blood of Christ. If they do not desist, they shall be deprived of their privileges and removed from the occupancy of the lands they have so abused." ----- Aloha, He'Ping, Om, Shalom, Salaam. Em Hotep, Peace Be, All My Relations. Omnia Bona Bonis, Adieu, Adios, Aloha. Amen. Roads End <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. 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