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A-albionic Research Weekly Up-date of 4-3-2000

Subject: Old Rightist John Flynn Vindicated Re: WWII!

Desperate Deception:  British Covert Operations in the United States 1939-44
by Thomas E. Mahl  Catalog #01109 year 1998 257pp Hardcover  price 26.95

A-albionic Review: Anyone who has followed "Anglophobic" conspiracy theories a la 
Carroll
Quigley, Gary Allen, Knuth, etc. will be familiar with much of the content of this 
book,
especially if also a reader of the information on Sir William Stephenson, code named 
Intrepid by
Winston Churchill and the Master Spy assigned to bring America into World War II by 
hook or
by crook

Below is a review by Justin Raimondo of "Desperate Deception:
British Covert Operations in the United States, 1939-1944" by Thomas F.
 Mahl, as published in the December 1998 Chronicles issue (pp 24-6):

In the midst of his battle to save our old Republic and keep the United
States out of World War II, John T. Flynn wondered about the true identity
of his enemies. As a leader of the anti-interventionist America First
Committee and its outstanding strategist and spokesman in New York City,
he had plenty of them. In New York, America First was besieged by a campaign
of organized disruption, including infiltration, provocations, pickets,
and violence. Flynn sensed a pattern in these attacks, a unifying
intelligence, and after the war came to believe that these assaults were
not "sporadic or casual" but instead "originated in some central or
unified group." Flynn tried in vain to get Congress to investigate, but
the post-war rout of the congressional isolationists forced him to launch
his own inquiry. The result, as he put it in 1944, was the discovery of
"an organization whose name was never mentioned but which... sat more or
less at the center of this web of propaganda, intrigue and calumniation."

Now the evidence is in, and it turns out that Flynn was right. At the
center of the web was the British Security Coordination (BSC), the
American arm of British intelligence, and it was charged with coordinating
a British fifth column in this country.

The story of British intelligence operations in America during the
crucial prewar years is a saga of psychological warfare, black propaganda,
and Byzantine intrigue at the highest levels of the U.S. government -- a
gripping tale more fantastic than any fictional thriller. While William
Stevenson's 1976 book, A Man Called Intrepid: The Secret War, gave us a
glimpse of the truth, not until Desperate Deception has anyone revealed
the extent to which the U.S. was dragooned into World War II by agents of a
foreign power. In piecing together the story of how British spooks,
working  in tandem with FDR and other American Anglophiles, sought to "involve the
United States in World War TI and destroy isolationism," Thomas Mahl
encountered two major problems: first, the refusal of the U.S. and British
governments to release the relevant documents, which are still
"classified"  in the name of "national security"; and second, "the fact that until
recently, the study of the intelligence history of World War II has lacked
respectability." As Mahl puts it, "The conventional charge is that it
smacks too much of conspiracy." The author throws his hands up in despair:
"How does the historian avoid the charge that he is indulging in
conspiracy history when he explores the activities of a thousand people,
occupying two floors of Rockefeller Center, in their efforts to involve
the United States in a major war?"

Covert intelligence operations are by their nature conspiratorial, and, in
any event, there is no need to answer this spurious charge. Mahl's
carefully documented chronicle of British interference in American
elections, orchestrated smear campaigns against anti-interventionists,
and the planting of "agents of influence" in the beds of American
politicians is not just an "intelligence history" of how the United States
got into World War II: It is the true history of that calamity.
The story of the BSC is wrapped up in the person of its chief William
Stephenson, known today by his New York cable address, "Intrepid." In
940,  Stephenson, a millionaire businessman with a wide variety of business and
political connections, was sent to the United States to head tip the BSC,
where he took over the 38th floor of the International Building in
Rockefeller Center, which the Rockefellers had generously donated. The
British Press Service and the pro-war "Fight for Freedom" group were in
the same building, also rent-free.

One BSC recruit, Bickham Sweet Escott, describes his interview: "For
security reasons," he was told, "I can't tell you what sort of job it
would
be. All I can say is that if you join us, you mustn't be afraid of
forgery, and you mustn't be afraid of murder." Ernest Cunco, the lawyer
and Roosevelt administration insider who served as liaison between BSC,
the White House, and various U.S. government agencies, relates in a
recently declassified memo how the BSC operated:
"It ran espionage agents, tampered with the mails, tapped telephones,
smuggled propaganda into the country, disrupted public gatherings,
covertly subsidized newspapers, radios, and organizations, perpetrated
forgeries, . . . violated the aliens registration act, shanghaied sailors
numerous times, and possibly murdered one or more persons in this
country."

Cuneo's papers reveal several of the most active interventionist
organizations as "formed and acquired" by Stephenson's underground
apparatus, including the Fight for Freedom Committee, which advocated an
immediate declaration of war against Germany and Japan, and the "Friends
of  Democracy," an anti-isolationist spy and "research" organization that
specialized in the art of the smear. The most prominent British front was
the Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, chaired by William
Allen White. These fronts were instruments of the Anglophile propaganda
campaign in favor of a peacetime draft, the Destroyer deal, and
Lend-Lease.

They were especially key in blocking the isolationists in the Republican
Party, making certain that in the 1940 presidential elections the American
people would have a "choice" between two interventionists.
Mahl presents irrefutable evidence that Cuneo (codename: "Crusader")
wrote many of Walter Winchell's columns and had close ties to Drew
Pearson. The BSC also had its tentacles in Hollywood and among the
literary set; a key document names Dorothy Thompson, journalist Edmond
Taylor, movie mogul Alexander Korda, co-founder and president of the
Viking Press Harold Guinzburg, playwright and presidential speechwriter
Robert Sherwood, and mystery writer Rex Stout as dedicated agents.

Documents cited by Mahl reveal the names of top British agents in
journalism, including George Backer, publisher of the New York Post; Helen
Ogden Reid, the de facto publisher of the New York Herald Tribune; Paul
Patterson, publisher of the Baltimore Sun; A.H. Sulzberger, president of
the New York Times; Walter Lippmann; Ralph Ingersoll, editor of the
leftist tabloid PM; and Ingersoll's boss, Chicago Sun publisher Marshall
Field. The Overseas News Agency, which reached millions of readers, was a
wholly owned subsidiary of the Brits. Besides using its journalistic
assets to browbeat the American people into war, the BSC sought to
undermine and, if possible, destroy those remaining sources of news that
could be neither bought nor bullied. Public enemy number one, in their
view, was Colonel Robert R. McCormick, whose Chicago Tribune was the
flagship newspaper and voice of the Old Right. The BSC's Sandy Griffith
set Albert Parry of Chicago's Fight for Freedom chapter on a "We Don't
Read the Tribune" campaign that culminated in a rally and bonfire of
freshly printed newspapers.

While the public stance of the British and their fifth column was "aid
short of war," the BSC agitated for a peacetime draft. A key aspect of
their campaign was the manufacturing of phony public opinion polls
purporting to show overwhelming popular support for conscription. Mahl
unmasks the pollsters, showing that surveys conducted by Gallup, Roper,
and Market Analysts "were all done under the influence of dedicated
interventionists and British intelligence agents." An even nastier
intrusion into the American political process was the BSC operation
against Representative Hamilton Fish (R-NY), the feisty isolationist from
FDR's home district. Mahl documents the involvement in the election
campaign of BSC agents who masterminded newspaper ads linking Fish to
Hitler, Ribbentrop, and Fritz Kuhn of the German-American Bond. In a memo
after the 1940 election, agent Griffith maps out a strategy of hectoring,
harassment, and October surprises. "There were other harsh suggestions
made by agent Griffith," writes Mahl, "and most of them happened to Fish
over the next four years as his political career lurched from one disaster
to another.

Of all the operations conducted by British intelligence in this country
none had a more long-range effect than the turning of Senator Arthur
Vandenberg. The Michigan Republican was a staunch isolationist in the late
1930's, when be co-sponsored the resolution establishing the famous Nye
Committee hearings on the political influence of the munitions industry.
Many historians have remarked on the abruptness of his reversal in the
mid-40's, when he suddenly signed on to the whole panoply of post-war
globalist nostrums, including the U.N. and NATO. How does one explain the
defection of the man who was considered the leader of the Senate
Republicans and a possible GOP presidential candidate in 1940?
Internationalists have naturally attributed it to Vandenberg's growing
"maturity." Mahl puts the Senator's conversion in a new light: "British
intelligence operations on Senator Arthur Vandenberg were based on a very
simple human assumption - those who are sleeping with a senator are most
likely to have his ear."

Mahl documents Vandenberg's romantic attachments to three women with
strong ties to British intelligence. In 1940, all Washington knew he was
having an affair with Mitzi Sims, wife of British attache' Harold Sims, a
monied British aristocrat who ran the code room at the embassy. The
glamorous Mitzi, an international jet-setter before the advent of jets,
was just the sort of cosmopolitan vamp to enamor the vainglorious
Vandenberg, who once said: "I had no youth. I went to work when I was
nine, and I never got a chance to enjoy myself until I came to the
Senate."

The Senator had such a good time that, at one point, his wife returned to
their Grand Rapids home because the randy Vandenberg had practically moved
Mitzi into their Washington flat. Harold Sims proved far more tolerant of
his mate's infidelity. While Washington tittered over the scandal, the
Senator continued his close friendship with the Simses until May 1940,
then  Harold Sims died of a stroke. Vandenberg took charge of the funeral
arrangements, and shortly afterward Mitzi departed for Montreal. Mitzi
made a dramatic reappearance, however, just as the crucial vote on the
Lend-Lease Act was coming before the Senate. Another femme fatale appeared
on the scene at this time. Betty Thorpe, the elegant spouse of a worldly
British diplomat, was sent to Washington from Buenos Aires to catch the
senator's eye. Mrs. Thorpe was no ordinary housewife but the famous
British Mata Hari known by her nom d'espionage, "Cynthia." In her
biography of Cynthia, Cast No Shadow, Mary Lovell relates that both
Vandenberg and Senator Connally were targeted for seduction; while
Connally told Cynthia, "You're wasting your time, my dear," Vandenberg was
easier prey.

Yet another of Vandenberg's BSC romances was with Eveline Paterson, a
charming, statuesque blonde and a professional publicist for the cause of
Great Britain: Chicago Tribune Washington bureau chief Walter Trohan, the
FBI, and Drew Pearson all had her correctly pegged as a British
intelligence operative. As an "agent of influence," Eve-line's success can
be measured by the senator's 1946 vote for loans to Britain and
legislation forgiving British war debts. Mrs. Paterson's scrapbook
 contains a number of Vandenberg items, among them an article from the
April 30, 1945, issue of Time, which featured the senator's picture on the
cover. The article praised him in his new role as chief of the Republican
internationalists. The Office of Naval Intelligence also kept a file on
Vandenberg's dalliances with foreign agents. In his memoirs, Walter
Trohan relates how, at the 1948 Republican convention, where Vandenberg
was a major contender for the nomination, Joseph Pew, head of the Sun Oil
Company and a heavyweight contributor to party coffers, somehow got his
hands on a copy of the ONI file. Pew threatened to take to the floor and
read aloud the sordid details of Vandenberg's betrayal.

Too bad Pew was dissuaded from doing so. If only he had revealed the
lascivious details of Vandenberg's treason: Such a bombshell might have
blown the cover of the fifth columnists in our midst, and exposed the
truth about the internationalist Republicans. If Pew had taken to the
microphone, Wendell Willkie might have remained in the obscurity from
(which he) was plucked.

How an unknown lawyer for J.P. Morgan & Co., without having held any
previous political office, and without even being a registered Republican,
could come to be the GOP presidential nominee is a mystery pondered long
and often by conservative commentators over the years. In her classic book
A Choice, Not an Echo, Phyllis Schlafly attributes Willkie's nomination to
the decision of the "secret kingmakers" and mentions the influential role
played by Lord Lothian, the British ambassador, and Thomas W. Lamont, the
chief enforcer of Morgan interests. With the New York Herald Tribune as
his house organ, and Wall Street putting heavy pressure on the delegates,
the dark horse Willkie stampeded the isolationist conservatives before
they knew what hit them. Mahl shows that the "secret kingmakers" were
nothing so vague as the ''Eastern Establishment and he amasses
considerable evidence that British intelligence was directly involved.

Apart from re-electing FDR, the BSC was working to ensure congressional
approval of conscription and of a deal giving the British a part of the
American fleet. These were the "secret kingmakers," or, as Schlafly calls
them, the "hidden persuaders," who reached into the bag of dirty
tricks--possibly including murder, as Mahl tantalizingly speculates--all
too familiar to students of intelligence history.

It is not an unusual view that identifies the Roosevelt administration, an
Anglophilic elite, and the Rockefeller-Morgan financial interests as the
three groups whose agitation eventually dragged a reluctant nation into
World War II. Mahl's great contribution is to identify the BSC as the
puppet-master behind American interventionism. What the author of this
invaluable volume calls "intelligence history" has not been considered
"respectable" precisely because it penetrates the propagandistic pieties
promulgated by the court historians and exposes the ruthlessness and utter
immorality of ruling elites. This is not "intelligence history," but real
history without illusions, if not without regrets.
 <end>
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Desperate Deception:  British Covert Operations in the United States 1939-44
by Thomas E. Mahl  Catalog #01109 year 1998 257pp Hardcover  price 26.95

A-albionic Mini-Review:  Anyone who has followed "Anglophobic" conspiracy theories a la
Carroll Quigley, Gary Allen, Knuth, etc. will be familiar with much of
the content of this book, especially if also a reader of the
information on Sir William Stephenson, code named Intrepid by Winston
Churchill and the Master Spy assigned to bring America into World War
II by hook or by crook.

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