From:

http://www.worldnetdaily.com/bluesky_chung/20000414_xcchu_mysterious.shtml

WorldNetDaily
FRIDAY - APRIL 14 - 2000

Johnny Chung is a news analyst and exclusive columnist for
WorldNetDaily.

Mysterious messenger

I must begin this column by saying thank you to all of you who
sent e-mails to me last week after reading my testimony. You are
an encouragement to my family and me, and I promise to keep
writing this column and telling my story.

A significant part of that story involves many undercover
operations in which I participated. The purpose was to gather
evidence of a monetary connection between President Clinton and
China, and I was the link that could help that investigation.

Immediately after I pleaded guilty on March 9, 1998, I was
approached by a Chinese messenger, Robert Luu, who asked me to
meet with him at the Hilton Hotel in Torrance, Calif. At that
time, I was under instruction by the Justice Department and the
FBI to tape all incoming and outgoing phone calls. Luu surely
suspected my phone conversations were being recorded, which is
why he suggested a meeting.

The FBI was fully prepared for a potentially life-threatening
situation. We had no idea who would be at this meeting, how many
of them would be there, or what I was walking into. As part of
that preparation, I was given a body wire. Now, I had never worn
a body wire before, so when the FBI first mentioned it to me, I
pictured gadgets from 007 movies -- a high-tech, tiny microphone
that would be invisible to the "bad guys."

But I was not James Bond. They gave me two huge batteries to be
taped behind my back. It was very bulky and uncomfortable.

"This must be 1960s or '70s technology!" I told them. "What
happens if he hugs me?"

"Just tell him, 'I don't like people to hug me,'" the agents
calmly suggested.

FBI surrounded me from inside and outside the hotel, so I felt
protected, despite the bulkiness of my wire.

I walked into the hotel, still not knowing who would be there,
and chose a seat close to the bar area. Facing the entrance door,
I waited for the messenger to arrive. While I waited, I
occasionally made eye contact with FBI agents inside the hotel.
The eye contact helped calm me down.

Suddenly, two Asian men came out of the elevator with a back
pack. When I saw them, my heart jumped into my throat. I saw FBI
agents close in on the men, but -- thank God -- the men boarded a
tour bus.

Finally, the messenger arrived.

Once I saw Luu, all my attention was focused on communicating
with him. Suddenly, I forgot all of the dangers. I felt like a
character on a stage because all my conversation was scripted. My
hands, my mouth, my heart were tied -- I could only say what I
had memorized from the Department of Justice and FBI. For later
operations, I was given the freedom to use my own words since
using a script had made it very difficult for me to act natural.

The message from Luu was, "Keep your mouth shut and you will be
OK."

He said, "You will retire in style. You are so rich now that you
cannot go back to your old lifestyle. If you talk, everything
will be out of control -- nobody will be able to help you."

Then he asked me, "How is your family? How's your wife? How's
your children?"

Of course, that was a polite, mafia-like method of harassment,
and I took it very seriously. Anger grew in my heart toward this
man, and I wanted to reach across the table and strangle him.
But, for the sake of the investigation, I had to be patient.

He then asked me to switch attorneys, saying mine was no good. He
said the Chinese government would provide me with an attorney and
pay all the expenses. They even had one already picked out. Luu
wanted me to meet the attorney, David Brockway, at a private club
in downtown Los Angeles.

The club was so private, said Luu, that only members were
allowed. He told me that not even the CIA could get in, and that
he would call me later with a code name which would indicate what
time I should go to the club.

Luu kept mentioning that the Chinese general cared about me, but
I have no idea which general he was talking about.

I knew something Luu didn't, however: our entire conversation had
been audio and video recorded.

Luu got up and headed for the front door, leaving me with the
feeling that my mission was accomplished. But he suddenly turned
back, catching me off guard. I was so nervous as he approached my
table. I thought he must be coming back to finish me off.

"The general says 'hello,'" Luu relayed.

Feeling bolder, I asked, "Who do you work for?"

He answered, "I get my salary from Beijing."

With that, he left, and I headed for my car where an FBI agent
was posing as my driver. I opened the door and jumped into my car
like I was diving into a swimming pool. I was so relieved to be
out of there. The FBI then checked the perimeter of the hotel to
make sure no one was following me, and we headed back to the
station. I spent the entire afternoon debriefing the FBI.

That night, I went home, and my wife asked me how the meeting
went. Not wanting to worry her, I didn't tell her exactly who I
was meeting with. I simply said I had a meeting with some
businessmen and the FBI.

I said, "Thank God I am still alive," and fell into her arms.

On the afternoon of May 14, 1998, I was ready to go meet with Luu
and the attorney at the private club. But just before we left, my
lawyer was called by the New York Times, which was ready to go
public with details of my cooperation in the Chinagate probe.

Obviously, somebody in a high-ranking position at the Justice
Department knew about the sting operation and leaked it to the
Times in order to burn the operation. Congress is currently
investigating the origins of that leak.

My lawyer asked the Times to hold the story for a couple of days,
but the paper said they would only do so if FBI director Louis
Freeh called them directly. Needless to say, Louis Freeh didn't
call.

I was so angry that I shouted at the FBI, demanding to know who
leaked the information. And I yelled at my attorney for not
stopping the Times from printing its story.

Fearing the leak had compromised the mission, the FBI told me,
"If you feel your life is in danger, you don't have to meet with
them."

But I had vowed to fully cooperate, and I told them I would go
forward with the mission. I was going to keep my word. Once
again, we had no idea how many people would be at the club or
what I would be walking into. As usual, I also wore a body wire
-- the one with the giant batteries.

Of course, we were video and audio taping everything, and I was
scripted.

When the men arrived, I asked Luu again who sent him.

"The Chinese government" he said, adding that they wanted to
"take care of" my case, and they wanted to use this attorney.
Brockway, who was an attorney in Nixon's Watergate scandal,
hinted that he had handled other cases in which the defendant
kept his mouth shut so that his case would be "taken care of,"
too. As a result of his cooperation, the client was taken care of
very well.

Luu also told me that if I had to go to jail, I would go to a
country club jail, and I would get a presidential pardon.

Sticking to my script, which said I had to act as though I didn't
trust him, I asked how China could get me a presidential pardon.
I told him I didn't believe anyone -- that I had no friends. How
could I believe them?

The two men explained the plan. The Chinese government was
prepared to release famous human rights dissidents of China in
exchange for the American government being "nice" with me. They
also told me a high-ranking Chinese government official in
Beijing and a high-ranking American government official in D.C.
had agreed to take care of my case.

Now, I had not only become involved in the campaign finance
scandal, I had become embroiled in international human rights
affairs. I thought, why not? If we can get the dissidents out
first, that would be a good thing, and then we could continue
with the investigation. But I was not in control of the
conversation. I was still being scripted and had to stick to my
lines.

I said to Luu, "I'm broke. I cannot pay for another attorney."

"Don't worry," he said. "We will take care of everything. We will
pay for the attorney."

I continued to pursue the key question: "Who sent you to me?"

He gave me a nickname: "Country Girl."

That was the same nickname I had given to Liu Chao-Ying, the vice
president of a Chinese aerospace company in Hong Kong and
daughter of the highest-ranking general in China. Liu had asked
me to introduce her to my contacts in the U.S., including
President Clinton, and gave me $300,000 to donate to Clinton and
the Democratic National Committee. I had told Liu I didn't care
who her father was, and so I gave her a nickname which, in
English, translates to "country girl." It was to remind her that
in my eyes, she was just like anyone else -- not a VIP deserving
special treatment.

I found out later that not only was Liu the daughter of China's
equivalent to the U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, she
was also a colonel in the People's Liberation Army.

Liu had sent the messenger to keep me quiet.

It wasn't until after my nearly three-hour-long meeting with Luu
and Brockway that I realized my fly was open! The FBI pointed it
out to me afterwards, not because they were afraid I would be
embarrassed, but because they were afraid I would expose the
wires in my underwear.

Again, we followed our procedure to make sure no one was
following us, driving on the freeway at speeds ranging from 80 to
45 miles per hour, and then heading to the station.

But my undercover work was far from over. In all, I participated
in more than a dozen sting operations involving Luu, another
messenger from China, and a woman who -- though she harassed me
just three weeks before my final sentencing hearing -- claimed
she worked for the CIA.

My safety was compromised over and over again by leaks to the
media. The leaks were surely designed to keep me from doing my
job with the FBI in order to stall the investigation. Further
stall tactics were used later when new agents, unfamiliar with
the investigation, were assigned to my case. The agents who had
been with me all along were taken out of leadership roles in my
case.

After it became clear the investigation would go no further, many
people parted ways with the Department of Justice. Chuck LaBella
resigned. My own prosecutor, Michael McCaul, resigned. And all
the FBI agents who had been working on my case had been
reassigned.

In coming weeks, I will share more details of how the media leaks
compromised the safety of my family and me, how we managed to
survive, building an even stronger family bond, and what my life
is like now as I perform my community service at my church and
the YMCA.

E-MAIL JOHNNY CHUNG
mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
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� 2000 WorldNetDaily.com, Inc.
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