http://www.newsmakingnews.com/

FIDEL TALKS AND TALKS AND TALKS ABOUT THE ALPHA-66, JMWAVE CONNECTION TO
LITTLE MIAMI.  Will anyone listen? "U.S. researcher Gaeton Fonzi writes in
Esquire magazine that it was veteran CIA officer Richard Allen, at the time
President Reagan's National Security Adviser, who proposed the idea of
uniting the Cuban exiles and fashion -in his own words - "an effective bolt
with which the President's aggressive foreign policy can be implemented."

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"[...] Washington agreed once again to grant 20,000 entrance visas to the
United States.

"The migration agreement began to flounder last Tuesday due to an
unprecedented case in the history of rafters reaching the coast of Florida
in fragile boats. For the first time, television networks broadcasted live
the odyssey of those six rafters.

"[...] In Washington, Cuban-American Congressman Lincoln D�az-Balart asked
Congress to cancel `this dishonorable pact,' the migration agreement, and
accused the Clinton administration of being the `watchdog of the Cuban
regime.'

El Nuevo Herald, true to its old ways, published on July 15 a new article
under the headline "Clinton Concerned Over Migration Policy":

"Before President Clinton's return to Washington, after his one-day visit to
South Florida, he made an encouraging promise on Tuesday: to review the
United States' immigration policy towards Cuba.

"According to some of the local figures who had the opportunity to meet with
the President, Clinton left Miami `aware of the thinking of the Cuban
exiles' and saying that `it was necessary to review the agreements between
Cuba and the United States.'

"`We have to see if the current policy is manageable based on the problems
we are facing,' said Clinton during a fund-raising dinner for the Democratic
Party."

"Jorge Mas Santos, deputy chairman of the Cuban-American National
Foundation, and one of those who spoke with Clinton, said he told the
President that `it was not fair to return Cubans intercepted at sea to
Cuba.'

"`He promised to do everything possible to review the migration agreements
with Cuba and prevent more deaths at sea,' underlined Mas Santos to El Nuevo
Herald.

"The Cuban American leader added that Clinton said he `feels frustrated' for
not having been able to oust Fidel Castro from power.

"This Wednesday the State Department in Washington said that up to now it
has not received orders or instructions from Clinton to review or change
U.S. policy towards Cuba.

"[...] `The U.S. has a program to grant 20,000 visas per year to Cubans,
precisely to discourage the dangerous crossing of the Florida Straits by
undocumented migrants,' said James Rubin, a State Department spokesperson.

It is impossible to believe that the President of the United States, a man
acknowledged as cultured and intelligent, would have held such a
conversation - as reported by journalist Fernando Alm�nzar, of El Nuevo
Herald - that places him in an almost servile position before the crown
prince of a terrorist mafia, a superficial, naive, ignorant and conceited
individual who, judging by his own words, has absolutely no political
knowledge, and while he may have a large fortune inherited from his father,
he does not have anything at all inside his head.

I prefer to believe that these are only fabrications, distortions and
fantasies stemming from the vanity of an irresponsible, ignorant, indiscreet
and immature person.

Another media source at the service of the mafia, the Diario de las
Am�ricas, reported that "three Cuban-American members of Congress accused
the U.S. government of concealing Cuba's trafficking of persons, in addition
to drug trafficking, money laundering and a series of illegal dealings."

These extremely grave and unreasonable charges against the Clinton
administration of conspiracy with the Cuban government in drug trafficking,
money laundering, migrant trafficking and other illegal dealings, were
posed, not surprisingly, by Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Lincoln D�az-Balart,
both Florida Republicans, and Robert Men�ndez, a New Jersey Democrat, three
well-known characters financed by the Cuban-American National Foundation.

Another piece of news, more sensible and serious, was reported from
Washington by NOTIMEX on July 15, two days after the famous dinner. "The
United States announced today the setting up of a special group to combat
alien smuggling from Cuba" - it should have said from the United States - "a
problem that has tripled in one year and increased physical risks for those
interested in reaching Floria.

"The effort will be spearheaded by the Immigration and Naturalization
Service and will also involve the Federal Bureau of Investigations, the
Coast Guard, the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office based in Miami and the
Florida state government.

"Daniel Kane, spokesman for the Immigration and Naturalization Service,
explained that organized groups are now charging between 8,000 and 10,000
dollars for transporting a Caribbean person to the United States by risky
means.

"He highlighted that during the 1997-98 fiscal year, 615 Cubans being
smuggled into Florida were detected, and the number tripled to 1,700 in what
has elapsed of the 1998-99 fiscal year, which ends next September 30.

"Kane noted that the group will try to identify and bring to trial those
responsible for exploiting the islanders, `since what we are trying to do is
send a strong message about the dangers of this type of illegal
transportation.'

"The spokesman pointed out that the traffickers use speedboats which they
overload.  `Recently forty Haitians and nine Cubans who were being
transported this way perished.'

"He warned that this type of crime is punished with up to 10 years'
imprisonment and called on the Cubans in Florida, who normally pay for the
transportation of their relatives, not to risk the lives of their loved
ones.

"`Every year the United States assigns 20,000 visas for Cubans and there are
many legal opportunities for them to come to Florida,' he pointed out.

"Kane stressed that the traffickers also advise the people they transport
that in the event that they are intercepted by the U.S. Coast Guard, they
should threaten to set themselves on fire if they are not allowed to reach
land."

On July 16, the EFE news agency reported from Washington that "the U.S.
Immigration Service today warned traffickers of illegal Cuban migrants that
they are risking drastic federal penalties if they continue this criminal
business.

"The FBI and the State Department reminded Cubans who try to enter this
country without the relevant migration documents, that there are many
dangers in the crossing that can be avoided by being patient while their
visas are being processed by the United States Interests Section in Havana.

"It was recalled that the migration agreements signed by the United States
and Cuba in 1995 grant this Caribbean country 20,000 U.S. visas a year,
which can be applied for by any Cuban wishing to do so.

"`These traffickers of human beings don't care about risking the lives of
these people in their efforts to make profits,' said Kane."

Very recently, on July 19, AFP reported from Miami: "The Governor of
Florida, Jeb Bush, urged President Bill Clinton on Monday to respond to the
increase in the traffic of illegal migrants - most of them Cubans - asking
for more Border Patrol troops to be deployed in that Southern state.

"In March, Bush asked Secretary of Justice Janet Reno to increase the
Federal authorities' activities to stop illegal migration to that state's
coasts, and he has not yet received an answer.

"`We have once again expressed our concerns to the Federal government,' said
Bush.

"`President Clinton must become involved,' Bush noted.  `We need more Border
Patrol troops and more federal resources to confront the issue of alien
smuggling.'

"`These smugglers have to be prosecuted and the Florida government is
willing to help the Federal government fulfill its responsibilities,' he
added."

Obviously, not all American politicians, from one party or the other, share
the bizarre ideas of the Cuban-American mafia regarding illegal migration
from Cuba to the United States.

What is the Cuban-American National Foundation?

An institution of imperialism that promotes the most severe economic
blockade possible against Cuba, the Torricelli and Helms-Burton Acts, and
dozens of Congressional amendments aimed against our country; a sworn,
virulent enemy of the migration agreements signed in 1994 and 1995 and of
the slightest cooperation between the United States and Cuba in the struggle
against international drug trafficking; an unpunished organizer of attempts
to assassinate me, and the instigator of the terrorist acts against our
tourist hotels to try to ruin one of the country's most prosperous
industries and one of the main sources of hard-currency income, which
creates jobs and boosts many industrial and agricultural sectors which
supply goods and services for that activity.

It was founded in July, 1981, and cynically registered as a non-profit,
philanthropic, and educational organization, which has among its functions
to do research work, publish, and carry out educational and humanitarian
activities.

I have taken some valuable data about the origins of this institution from
material for a book being prepared about the forty years of crimes against
Cuba and from other documents prepared by well-informed sources.

During the 70s, the ideologues of the U.S. extreme right, which had
gradually become stronger since the previous decade, agreed on the need to
remodel the United States' hegemonic role in the world, and prepared the
political platform that Ronald Reagan's future administration would follow.
In 1979, that laboratory of imperialist ideas produced the so-called Santa
Fe Program, describing how the new Republican administration should act
vis-�-vis the continent's reality.

Cuba was considered, along with Brazil and Mexico, among the countries that
the United States had to give priority to in this region. Our country was
seen as the most important adversary of that Northern power in this
hemisphere. "Cuba has been a problem for American policymakers for more than
two decades", declared the extreme right.  "The problem is no nearer
solution today than it was in 1960 - indeed, the problem has grown to truly
dangerous proportions."

"The United States can only restore its credibility by taking immediate
action," noted the aforementioned Santa Fe document referring to Cuba.
Consequently, its authors proposed carrying out "frankly punitive" actions.
Among these actions, they recommended starting a political and ideological
offensive, including radio broadcasts "under open U.S. government
sponsorship," promoting internal subversion and even armed intervention, an
option which was not ruled out.

For these ideologues of the U.S. extreme right, the problem did not only
consist of changing the policy towards Cuba and going as far as necessary to
"solve the Cuban problem," but, at the same time, of devising the ideal way
to justify the new course the future administration should take in order not
to act directly but "responding" to requests from the Cuban immigrants in
the United States, and having the latter be the ones in charge of
"demanding" the change and concrete measures.

The recommendations of the Santa Fe Program were immediately adopted by the
U.S. government after President Reagan's inauguration in January, 1981.

U.S. researcher Gaeton Fonzi writes in Esquire magazine that it was veteran
CIA officer Richard Allen, at the time President Reagan's National Security
Adviser, who proposed the idea of uniting the Cuban exiles and fashion -in
his own words - "an effective bolt with which the President's aggressive
foreign policy can be implemented." In an interview with the National Journa
l, Allen said, "I told them [Reagan and his team] that the best thing they
could do was to create an organization that spoke with one voice or would
seem to speak with one single voice." "I am very happy that they followed my
advise," he added.

The first step towards creating that ostensible single voice was taken in
1980 by Roger Fontaine, at the time a member of the Santa Fe Committee and
one of the ideologues of Reagan's future administration who was later in
charge of the policy towards Latin America in the National Security Council.
That year Fontaine publicly expressed "the possibility of creating a Cuban
lobby before the U.S. Congress to justify a more aggressive policy against
Cuba." The mission was defined both by Allen and Fontaine as follows: to set
up a lobby or pressure group in Washington that would work through a
Cuban-American entity to propose Congress and the government the measures
against Cuba that had already been planned by the policy makers of the new
administration.

In Washington, and in the United States at large, Cuban immigrants were
linked to terrorism, the CIA's dirty operations, and violence. Therefore, a
new type of organization had to be created which would guarantee, on the one
hand, total subordination to that policy and, on the other, a renewed image
acceptable for U.S. society.

With the order to create the Cuban-American National Foundation, the main
objective was to change the image of the Cuban emigration. The most
revealing fact of this shameless project is that most of the now millionaire
directors of the Foundation were selected from among the old men of action
of the Central Intelligence Agency. They now had to devote all of their time
and energy to a new type of political work: visits to Washington, intensive
lobbying before members of Congress and administration figures,
contributions to electoral campaigns and other political activities, and all
of this with the greatest possible coverage by the media.

The creation of the Cuban-American National Foundation in the '80s did not
mean the end of terrorist actions against Cuba, but it did represent the
upsurge of a new form of U.S. aggression. During the Reagan and Bush
Republican administrations, the organization acted as an appendix of the
U.S. Government's foreign policy and as a pressure mechanism within the
country itself to impose that policy.

According to the above-mentioned American researcher, the Foundation
received over 200 million dollars in government funds under these two
presidents in order to carry out these functions.

Many analysts coincide in pointing out that the CIA's and the National
Security Council's conception was effectively accomplished. The Foundation
was organically integrated into the American political system. Its influence
has had a bipartisan scope and involves not only electoral political sectors
but also the government bureaucracy at different levels.

The Cuban-American National Foundation was induced from the beginning into
inserting itself fully into the lobbying which is characteristic of the
American system by means of political action committees, the so-called PACs,
which make it possible to finance political campaigns and serve to channel
their "special interests" among U.S. Senators and members of the House, as
well as in electoral campaigns.

The Foundation contributed important amounts of money for these campaigns.
Several dozen members of the House and Senators from both parties, from 1982
until the present, have benefitted from the financial contributions of the
Cuban-American National Foundation and have subordinated the United States'
national interests to those "special interests". According to reports to the
Federal Elections Committee, at some stages up to 60 members of Congress
have received contributions from the Foundation in one year. In the 1997-98
period, 52 % of the funds went to the Democratic Party and 48 % to the
Republican Party.

The Cuban-American National Foundation has developed a new, unique way of
lobbying through intimidation. Cases are known in Washington about members
of Congress who have been pressured in their electoral districts or states
and have been subjected to other subtle forms of blackmail or threats, or
their political opponents have received considerable cash contributions, for
the only reason of not having accepted the money or supported the policy
proposals of the Foundation.

The donations normally authorized for political campaigns can be
institutional or personal. There are thousands of ways to do it. The dinner
in Fanjul's mansion, where 1.5 million dollars were raised in one night, at
a rate of 25,000 dollars a plate, is one of the many apparently honest ways
of doing it.

According to data obtained through Internet from the United States Federal
Electoral Committee Records, from January, 1993, to March, 1998, the
Cuban-American National Foundation contributed as an organization 105,521
dollars to Robert Men�ndez; 101,050 dollars to Robert Torricelli; 62,797
dollars to Jesse Helms; 43,057 dollars to Ileana Ros-Lehtinen; 42,645
dollars to Lincoln D�az-Balart; and 22,200 dollars to Dan Burton, all very
well known in our country for their infamous deeds.

Between 1991 and 1998, Mas Canosa and Jorge Mas Santos made 142 personal
donations totalling more than 127,000 dollars to a group of Senators and
members of the House including Dan Burton, Robert Torricelli, Jesse Helms
and the Cuban-American Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Lincoln D�az-Balart and Robert
Men�ndez.

These are contributions that are officially registered, as required by U.S.
electoral law. They do not include the large sums of money that are given in
cash without any kind of record. It is well known that important
personalities have received up to 80,000 dollars in one single contribution,
thus violating U.S. law. Everything is known because people are bound to
talk.

Curiously, one of the main promoters of contributions for Robert Men�ndez in
New Jersey, Arnaldo Monz�n Plasencia, was convicted for money laundering in
1985, according to the November 8, 1998, issue of The Star Ledger, and he
admitted having concealed 100,000 dollars from the Internal Revenue Service,
for which he was sentenced by an U.S. court. As you remember, Arnaldo Monz�n
Plasencia was one of the main organizers of the terrorist actions promoted
against Cuba from Central America by Luis Posada Carriles, and formerly
belonged to the terrorist organizations Alpha-66 and Omega 7, the latter one
responsible for the death of a Cuban diplomat to the United Nations, among
other violent actions against the Revolution.

At the same time, the Cuban-American National Foundation also supplies
financial and material aid to ringleaders and active members of small
subversive groups in Cuba. This support has increased since 1998 in keeping
with the United States' policy toward our country, using Cuban exiles as
emissaries to financially supply the counterrevolutionary ringleaders and
their cells.

Outside of the United States, the Foundation has financed the political
campaigns of corrupt politicians who have paid back this aid once they are
in power by granting important concessions to the companies owned by Mas
Canosa's family, mainly in the field of communications.

The services rendered to the conservative and extreme-right sectors of U.S.
politics to further the formulas of the Santa Fe Program have been
acknowledged. An eloquent fact: between 1981 and 1998 more than 150 bills or
amendments against Cuba were submitted to the United States Congress.

The Foundation also assumed other roles. In 1985, certain U.S. power groups
urged the Foundation to exert pressure to abolish the Clark Amendment, which
banned economic and military or paramilitary assistance to Savimbi's bands
in Angola. Immediately after that amendment was repealed, Ronald Reagan
authorized 30 million dollars in covert funds for UNITA.

The leadership of the Foundation has been almost totally made up by elements
who were linked in one way or another to the Batista dictatorship, or were
significantly affected by the Cuban revolutionary laws. At this moment,
after Mas Canosa's death, we can mention the following cases by way of
example: Francisco Jos� Hern�ndez, who until very recently was chairman of
the Foundation until he was replaced by Jorge Mas Santos, is the son of
Lieutenant Colonel Francisco Hern�ndez Leyva, tried in Santa Clara in 1959
for war crimes committed during the Batista dictatorship and sentenced to
the death penalty; Roberto Mart�n P�rez, a member of the executive committee
and head of the Foundation's paramilitary group, is the son of the
well-known Batista henchman Lutgardo Mart�n P�rez, who managed to flee to
the United States; Ninoska P�rez Castell�n, director and spokesperson of the
Foundation, is the daughter of Lieutenant Colnel Francisco P�rez Gonz�lez,
second chief of the bloodthirsty Secci�n Radiomotorizada (motorized
division) of Batista's police in Havana, who also left the country for the
United States; Jorge Fowler, the Foundation's lawyer, is the son of a
landowner with the same name who owned 1,900 caballer�as (62,000 acres) of
land in Cuba and the Narcisa sugar mill.

Who did Reagan's team choose to chair the organization proposed by the Santa
Fe document of the American extreme right? Jorge Mas Canosa.

And who was Mas Canosa? The closest friend and comrade in arms of Luis
Posada Carriles, a monstrous character who, along with Orlando Bosch, coldly
and cowardly murdered 73 innocent people travelling aboard the Cubana
aircraft that was blown up in mid-flight after after taking off from the
Barbados airport on October 6, 1976. He directed and participated in
numerous terrorist actions and crimes that brought about the death of
valuable comrades, some of which were dramatically described in the trial
for the demand for human damages filed by the Cuban people against the U.S.
government.

A well-known article published by the New York Times on July 13, 1998
contains some interesting facts. "Two years after the Bay of Pigs invasion
ended in ignominious failure on the beaches of Cuba, two young Cuban exiles
stood next to each other in the spring sun at Fort Bennings, Ga., training
for the next march on Havana.

"It was 1963, a time of feverish American plotting against Fidel Castro's
rule. The two men were among the exiles who had survived the bungled
operation to overthrow the Cuban leader and had enlisted in the U.S. Army,
confident that President Kennedy would soon mount another attack that would
banish communism from the hemisphere.

"The orders never came, and both men soon quit the Army to begin their own
three-decade war against Castro.

"Jorge Mas Canosa, the younger of the two, emerged as the public face of the
movement, a successful businessman who courted presidents and politicians,
raised money and relentlessly lobbied the White House and Congress to get
tough on Cuba. By the time Mas died of cancer last November, after two
decades of denying any direct role in the military operations of exiles
seeking to destabilize Cuba, he had become perhaps the single most
influencial voice in tightening America's official policy of economic and
political quarantine.

"The older man, Luis Posada Carriles, a former sugar chemist, became a
leader of the exiles' clandestine military wing, plotting to kill Castro and
planting bombs at Cuban government installations. As Mas was building a
personal fortune that eventually exceeded $100 million, Posada remained in
the shadows, consorting with intelligence officers, anti-Castro militants
and even, declassified documents say, reputed mobsters.

"Now, as he nears the end of his career as the most notorious commando in
the anti-Castro underground, Posada has for the first time detailed his
37-year relationship with exile leaders in the United States and with the
American authorities."

Not much more information is needed for an accurate profile of the man who
chaired the Foundation. An active CIA agent during the months prior to the
Bay of Pigs mercenary invasion, he enlisted in the U.S. Army with Posada
Carriles after the attack was defeated, hoping to participate in a military
invasion against Cuba that would never have defeated the Revolution, but
would have cost our people hundreds of lives. After the military invasion
plans - decided upon by the U.S. government from the early months of 1962 -
were thwarted, thanks to the timely measures adopted which brought about the
October Crisis that year, putting the world on the brink of a nuclear war
and giving rise to commitments that, although not constituting a total
guarantee for Cuba, frustrated and postponed for an indefinite time a direct
military aggression against our country, both characters quit the U.S. Army.

But they never parted. They both remained CIA agents and both carried out
different tasks but within the same strategic plan of imperialism, something
which is to some extent very clearly described by journalists Ann Louise
Bardach and Larry Rother in the above-mentioned New York Times article.

Mas Canosa, by then already a millionaire, organized and financed Posada
Carriles' escape from a Venezuelan maximum security jail where he had been
imprisoned for the Barbados sabotage. The operation cost 50,000 dollars.
After Posada Carriles was free and immediately integrated into the apparatus
created by the White House in El Salvador to supply weapons for the dirty
war against Nicaragua, almost all of the Foundation officials were sent by
Mas Canosa to greet him and give him their support.

Mas Canosa, that old CIA agent, was the person the extreme right assigned
the task of grouping the Cuban exiles in the United States into an
organization which could serve to promote, through the U.S. Congress, the
shady plans previously conceived by that extremist sector against our
homeland.

>From the moment he arrived in the United States, he was an agent of
imperialism, which he served unconditionally to the last minute of his life.
He and his Foundation actively supported the worst political and
counterrevolutionary forces in Nicaragua, Angola and other countries, always
serving the interests of the United States. He dreamed of seeing the Cuban
Revolution destroyed, our people vanquished by hunger and brought to their
knees, or our country being invaded by the U.S. armed forces. He hated the
work of the Revolution and the resistance of our people with all the might
engendered by frustration and impotence.

He was a mercenary who, using all the resources of the empire, did Cuba a
great deal of harm. I will omit any other reference to his shameful and
disgraceful life.

I won't say he was a traitor to his country, because he always had one
single homeland: the United States.

The Cuban-American National Foundation and the forces of the extreme right
are now the organizers of the conspiracy to do away with the migration
agreements and to hinder any type of cooperation between the United States
and Cuba in the fight against drug trafficking.

As can be very clearly understood by all the aforesaid, every concerted step
that they take and all that they do through their allies in the U.S.
Congress and the media at their disposal, has the single aim of provoking a
migration crisis whose consequences may be incalculable.

Here and now I am categorically warning them that there is not the slightest
possibility that Cuba will not honor the obligations stemming from the
migration agreements in force, or that it will authorize mass exits of
illegal migrants. As for those that take place on an isolated basis as a
consequence of the ongoing and growing encouragement coming from the United
States, the absurd legal regulations that protect those who break both our
laws and their laws, and the privileges and prizes that they award to those
who break them, we shall be able, with the help of all of the people, to
reduce them to a minimum.

The government of the United States might show signs of doubt, hesitation,
and weakness as to what it must do vis-�-vis the hollering and blackmail of
those in Florida who try to advise, demand or decide what the government has
to do.

They dream of an armed conflict between the United States and Cuba. Their
hatred is such that they wish to see our homeland under a genocidal and
destructive attack like the one the Serbian people had to suffer.

None of this frightens us. We are revolutionaries, we act out of principle,
not out of fear. We have an educated, organized, courageous, and aware
people. We have developed all the relevant ideas to prevent anything from
altering the internal order of the country, not through the force of weapons
but through the force and awareness of the masses.

Forty years of hardships and struggle, of unyielding tenacity and
experience, are not worthless. To confront the chaos existing in the
colossal world power of the North, we have the unity, coherence, discipline,
staunchness, intelligence, and awareness of a people that has been
privileged by history and that loves and defends this small island.

Translated by ESTI

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