From:

http://www.washtimes.com/op-ed/ed-house-200057182829.htm

The Washington Times
EDITORIAL � May 7, 2000

Charles LaBella's bombshell

     Testifying under subpoena before a Senate subcommittee on
Monday, Charles LaBella, the former head prosecutor for the
Justice Department's campaign-finance task force, made a
startling revelation.

     For the first time since his still-secret report was issued
in July 1998, Mr. LaBella acknowledged that he recommended to
Attorney General Janet Reno that she seek the appointment of an
independent prosecutor to investigate the connection between
President Clinton and Bernard Schwartz. Mr. Schwartz is of course
not only the Democratic Party's largest individual donor in
1995-96, but also someone whose firm was simultaneously involved
in the highly questionable, and potentially illegal, transfer of
missile-related technology to China. What follows is a
quid-pro-quo chronology of political donations from Mr. Schwartz;
the questionable activities of his firm; and the favorable
technology-transfer decisions the Clinton administration made
that greatly benefited Mr. Schwartz's firm to the detriment of
U.S. national security.

     1993. Subjected to intensifying congressional pressure and
following the determination by U.S. intelligence and the State
Department that China had sold missile technology to Pakistan,
the president bars the U.S. aerospace industry in August from
using Chinese rockets to launch satellites that the State
Department classified as "munitions." One of the companies most
affected was Loral Corp., now known as Loral Space &
Communications.

     In the previous six years, according to Federal Election
Commission data, Mr. Schwartz, Loral's chairman and CEO, had made
less than $100,000 in cumulative political donations, mostly to
Senate Democrats.

     January 1994. After intense lobbying by the U.S. aerospace
industry, Mr. Clinton classifies three satellites as "civilian,"
enabling them to circumvent the sanctions he had imposed only
five months earlier. To permit the satellites to be launched from
Chinese rockets, Mr. Clinton also issues the requisite
presidential waivers, a procedure instituted by President Bush
after the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre.

     June 1994. Mr. Schwartz sends the DNC a $100,000 soft-money
contribution, eight times the size of his first soft-money
donation in 1993.

     August-September 1994. Mr. Schwartz goes to China, having
received (purchased?) a highly coveted slot on Commerce secretary
and former DNC chairman Ron Brown's trade mission. With Mr.
Brown's help, Mr. Schwartz uses his Chinese contacts to obtain
satellite-transmission rights for a mobile telephone network in
China, a deal worth billions. In a Sept. 20 memo to the
president, White House Deputy Chief of Staff Harold Ickes, who
was directing the Democratic Party's fund-raising from his West
Wing office, suggests a presidential follow-up to Mr. Schwartz's
lucrative China trip. "In order to raise an additional $3,000,000
to permit the [DNC] to produce and air generic TV/radio spots as
soon as Congress adjourns," Mr. Ickes advises the president to
call Mr. Schwartz and invite him and others to a White House
breakfast "to impress them with the need to raise $3,000,000
within the next two weeks."

     October-December 1994. President Clinton in early October
lifts the sanctions he had imposed on China for selling missile
technology to Pakistan, a major victory for the aerospace
industry. At about the same time, Mr. Ickes informs the president
in a memo that Mr. Schwartz "is prepared to do anything he can
for the administration." Meanwhile, in a seemingly unrelated
development, Johnny Chung, a recently bankrupted California
entrepreneur, joins the titans of soft money, giving the
Democrats nearly $100,000 between August and December, 1994.

     January-September 1995. Mr. Schwartz signs a letter to the
president lobbying for the shift of satellite-export
responsibility from State to Commerce. The dispute centered on
State's inclusion of satellites on its "munitions list." In
April, to address the issue, Secretary of State Warren
Christopher establishes an interagency task force. From April
through September, while the issue is being examined, Mr.
Schwartz accelerates his soft-money donations to the Democratic
Party, topping $140,000 for the period. Meanwhile, Chung delivers
another $175,000 to the DNC.

     October 1995. Agreeing with intelligence agencies, the
Pentagon and his own advisers, Mr. Christopher decides to keep
the satellites on his department's "munitions list." Commerce
appeals.

     February 6, 1996. Despite reports in January that China
continued to export nuclear technology to Pakistan and missiles
to Iran, President Clinton signs waivers for four satellite
launches by Chinese rockets. On the same day, Wang Jun, who owns
a huge stake in a Hong Kong satellite company, meets with Ron
Brown. That night, he attends one of the notorious White House
coffees. Beyond his interest in satellites, Mr. Wang is a Chinese
arms dealer and the son of one of China's most reactionary
leaders.

     February 15, 1996. One of China's rockets crashes,
destroying a $200 million Loral satellite.

     March 1996. During the same week that China fires missiles
into Taiwanese waters to bully the island during its democratic
elections, Mr. Clinton officially reverses Mr. Christopher's
October decision and awards authority over satellite-export
licensing to Commerce. Between October 1995 and March 1996, while
the president was considering reversing Mr. Christopher, Mr.
Schwartz donates more than $150,000 to the Democratic Party.
Between April and December 1996 � that is, after the reversal �
he donates another $300,000, making him the Democrats' largest
individual soft-money donor (more than $600,000) during the
1995-96 cycle.

     April-May 1996. A commission headed by Loral reviews the
rocket crash and determines it was caused by a flaw in the
rocket's flight-control system. Without getting the report vetted
by the federal government, the review commission shares its
200-plus page report with the Chinese. Because the same Chinese
company produces both strategic nuclear missiles and space-launch
missiles, improvements in the guidance and control systems of
China's space-launch rockets are easily transferable to its
strategic nuclear-missile program.

     Summer 1996. Liu Chaoying, a lieutenant colonel in the
People's Liberation Army, funnels $300,000 to Chung from Chinese
military intelligence. Miss Liu is also an aerospace executive at
firms sanctioned by the United States in 1991 and 1993 for
providing missile technology to Pakistan. And she is the daughter
of China's then-highest-ranking general. According to Chung, Miss
Liu told him to contribute the money to the Democratic Party. In
July, Chung gives the DNC $45,000, which gained him entrance to
two Hollywood fund-raisers, including one where his guest, Miss
Liu, was photographed with the president. Chung's firm pays out
another $35,000 to the Democrats in September, bringing his
three-year total to $366,000.

     1997. The Pentagon issues a classified report in May
analyzing the effect of the Loral-led review commission's
unauthorized release to China of its report on the crash of the
Chinese rocket. "United States national security has been
harmed," the Pentagon concludes, by the improvement in China's
missile capabilities that the review report made possible. The
Pentagon's analysis prompts a criminal investigation of Loral by
the U.S. Customs Service and the Justice Department.

     Also in 1997, the DNC, admitting it could not vouch for the
source of Chung's donations, is forced to return the $366,000 he
had contributed. No problem. Mr. Schwartz, even as his firm was
being investigated by a federal grand jury, shovels another
$366,000 into Democratic coffers, in effect underwriting the
Chung refund.

     February 1998. Despite intense opposition from the Justice
Department, which was worried its investigation into Loral would
be compromised, Mr. Clinton gives permission to Loral to
officially transfer essentially the same missile expertise to
China that the company is being criminally investigated for
giving without authorization in 1996. Mr. Clinton's February
waiver calls the deal "in the national interest." Meanwhile, Mr.
Schwartz sends the DNC another $55,000 during the first three
months of 1998.

     March 1998. Chung pleads guilty to using "conduit" donors to
funnel illegal donations to the Clinton-Gore re-election
campaign.

     June 1998. While Chung is cooperating with the FBI, Robert
Luu, a California businessman under investigation for witness
tampering, warns him not to discuss any possible connection
between Miss Liu and Loral and Hughes Electronics, another U.S.
aerospace company suspected of illegally transferring missile
technology to China. In a conversation secretly recorded by the
FBI, Mr. Luu strongly suggests that Chung not give up any
information that would be "disadvantageous" to the two firms.

     July 16, 1998. Mr. LaBella submits his 94-page report to
Miss Reno. Echoing FBI Director Louis Freeh's earlier call for an
independent investigation of the White House's fund-raising, Mr.
LaBella's report specifically recommends that Miss Reno seek the
appointment of an independent counsel to investigate the
connections between Mr. Clinton and Mr. Schwartz. Other
recommendations include independent counsel investigations of Mr.
Ickes and Vice President Al Gore. Miss Reno declines to discuss
the issue with Mr. LaBella, her hand-picked prosecutor, and
refuses � to this day � to make his report public. She later
rejects both the Freeh and the LaBella recommendations.

     May 25, 1999. Chaired by Rep. Christopher Cox, the Select
Committee on U.S. National Security and Military/Commercial
Concerns with the People's Republic of China (PRC) issues an
unclassified version of its report on Chinese espionage
activities and U.S. technology transfers. The report concludes
that Loral had "transferred missile design information and
know-how to the PRC without obtaining the legally required
licenses" and had "violated export laws." The Cox report also
concludes that the 1996 decision to give the Commerce Department
the principal responsibility for satellite export licenses
"permitted the loss" of technology to China. The bipartisan
report further concludes that the illegal donations from Chinese
military intelligence through Lt. Col. Liu and Chung were "an
attempt to better her position in the United States to acquire
computer, missile and satellite technologies."

     May 2, 2000. Mr. LaBella testifies before a Senate
subcommittee. Chairman Arlen Specter, Pennsylvania Republican,
calls Mr. LaBella's attention to the "section of your report
which deals with Loral on the technology transfer from Loral to
the People's Republic of China." Mr. Specter notes that there was
"a recommendation as to proceedings as to an investigation for
the chief executive officer of Loral, Mr. Bernard Schwartz, who
had contributed some $1,500,000 to the Democratic National
Committee." Mr. LaBella leaves no doubt about his rationale for
recommending nearly two years ago that an independent counsel
investigate Mr. Clinton. "Hypothetically," Mr. LaBella replies,
"if you're going to investigate the person who gave the
contribution because you think something was wrong with that �
because they were seeking a quid pro quo � then it seems to me
that part of the area of investigation would be the person who
received the contribution."

     In the aftermath of Miss Reno's refusal to seek the
appointment of an independent counsel, the Justice Department's
investigation of Loral is poised to enter its fourth year.
Meanwhile, Mr. Schwartz continues to pour money into the DNC.

� 2000 News World Communications, Inc.



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