From:

http://www.latimes.com/news/politics/elect2000/pres/news2/20000510/t000044098.html

Los Angeles Times
May 10, 2000

Bush Leading Gore as Democratic Base Falters

By RONALD BROWNSTEIN, Times Political Writer

     Erasing the recent Democratic advantage among women and
dominating among men, Republican George W. Bush has opened an
imposing 8-percentage-point nationwide lead over Democrat Al
Gore, a new Times Poll has found.

     Six months before the presidential election, the poll finds
Bush, the presumptive Republican nominee, establishing a broad
initial base of support. At an unusually early point, the Texas
governor has virtually unified the Republican base, even as he's
reaching successfully into swing voter groups that proved crucial
to President Clinton's two victories.

     Perhaps most strikingly, Bush is reestablishing a
traditional Republican advantage among married voters that
Clinton largely neutralized. Married voters, who tend to be more
conservative on social issues, now prefer Bush over Gore, the
presumptive Democratic nominee, by a commanding
21-percentage-point margin. Bush is leading decisively not only
with married men but also married women.

     Bush's strength among married women is offsetting Gore's
hold on single women and allowing the Texan to run step-for-step
with the vice president among women overall, eliminating a solid
Democratic advantage in the last two presidential elections. If
Bush can maintain anything near parity with women, it would put
Gore at great risk, because the Republican is displaying enormous
appeal for male voters, even Democratic men.

     Overall, the poll found, Bush now leads Gore among
registered voters by 51% to 43%, with 5% saying they don't know.
The result doesn't change much when Ralph Nader, the liberal
Green Party nominee, and Patrick J. Buchanan, the conservative
tribune likely to head the Reform Party ticket, are added to the
mix.

     In that match-up, Bush draws 47% to 39% for Gore, with Nader
at 4% and Buchanan at 3%. In either case, Bush's
8-percentage-point advantage is a larger lead than most other
recent national surveys have found for the Texan.

     The Times Poll, supervised by Polling Director Susan Pinkus,
surveyed 1,211 registered voters May 4-7; it has margin of
sampling error of plus or minus 3 percentage points.

     With both campaigns agreeing that many voters still hold
only fleeting impressions of the two leading contenders, these
results may prove fluid. Gore supporters often point out that at
this point in 1988, then-Vice President George Bush faced an even
larger deficit against Democrat Michael S. Dukakis yet recovered
to win handily.

     Yet these results pinpoint the challenge facing Gore: While
making progress at portraying himself as a centrist, Bush appears
to be reassembling elements of the electoral coalition that
allowed the GOP to win five of the six presidential elections
before Clinton.

     "Clinton had a lot of things going for him in a reelection
in 1996 . . . and I think the patterns you are looking at now are
more normal in terms of the strengths of the two parties in these
groups," says Bush pollster Fred Steeper. "It's returning to more
of its normal positioning."

     Gore, meanwhile, does not appear to be benefiting as much as
he'll need to from satisfaction with the economy and voter
reluctance to significantly depart from the economic course
Clinton has set.

     From virtually every angle, the poll shows strength for
Bush. One measure is the breadth of his appeal.

     Bush leads Gore among every age group except voters 65 and
older, who narrowly prefer the vice president. Bush leads Gore
among every income group except middle-class families earning
from $20,000 to $40,000, who tilt narrowly toward the Democrat.
Likewise, Bush now leads Gore among voters at every level of
education; even voters with only a high school degree or less,
usually the most reliably Democratic group, prefer Bush.
     In a sharp contrast to the previous two GOP nominees--his
father, George Bush, in 1992, and Bob Dole in 1996--the Texas
governor is also showing substantial appeal to both women and
men. At this early point, Bush is drawing men like a two-for-one
beer night at the corner pub. Indeed, compared to Clinton's
showing in The Times' exit poll of the 1996 election, Gore has
lost more ground among men than women in the new survey.

     Among men overall, Bush leads Gore by a gaping 55% to 39%;
Bush is even attracting about one-fifth of Democratic men.

     Republicans typically run better with men than women. But
Bush's lead harkens back to the towering advantages among men
that characterized the victories of presidents Reagan and Bush
during the 1980s.

     Neither side is exactly sure why Bush is running so well
with men, though explanations include doubts about Gore's
leadership, Clinton's persistently lower approval rating among
men and more sympathy for Bush's position on issues such as gun
control.

     Bush's showing among women has a back-to-the-future feel as
well. Though his advantage isn't as big as Clinton's in 1996,
Gore continues to hold a double-digit lead among single women,
whose economic insecurity and liberal views on social issues have
combined to make them one of the electorate's most reliably
Democratic blocs.

     But just as Republican nominees did in the 1970s and 1980s,
Bush is offsetting that lead with a strong performance among
married women, who comprise fully two-thirds of the female
electorate. Bush leads Gore by at least 14 percentage points
among both all married women and married women with children, the
poll found.

     By contrast, in 1996 Clinton narrowly carried married
women--the fabled "soccer moms"--with an agenda that emphasized
such "tools for parents" as the V-chip to screen television shows
and regulation of tobacco advertising aimed at children. This
year, most analysts attribute Bush's strength partly to his
emphasis on education.

     But strategists in both the Gore and Bush campaigns agree
that the governor is also benefiting from widespread anxiety
among married women (especially mothers) about the nation's
culture and morals--an anxiety exacerbated by disappointment with
the moral example Clinton has set. "It's values and Clinton,"
laments one senior Gore advisor.

     The bottom line: The poll finds Bush drawing 48% of women,
compared with 46% for Gore. In 1996, Clinton carried women by 16
percentage points, The Times' exit poll found.

     Beyond income, and education, and gender, Bush is showing a
formidably broad appeal across partisan lines as well. Bush,
helped by antipathy toward Clinton, has already consolidated the
Republican base much earlier than Dole did. Mirroring other
recent national polls, The Times' survey found Bush already
winning slightly more than 9 in 10 GOP partisans.

     By contrast, Gore is losing more than 1 in 6 Democrats to
Bush. Among Democrats who consider themselves moderates or
conservatives, Bush's showing rises to 1 in 5; Gore, on the other
hand, is winning less than 1 in 7 moderate Republicans, a smaller
group to begin with.

     If the highly polarized pattern of the last several
elections holds, Gore is likely to eventually reduce the
Democratic defection level. Assuming Gore can ultimately corral
his party members at roughly the same rate as Bush does, the race
will come down to independent voters. And here the vice president
is standing in an ominous early hole.

 Bush leads among self-described independents overall by 16
percentage points, the poll found. Bush's lead among independent
women is almost as large as his advantage among independent men;
and while winning two-thirds of independents who consider
themselves conservatives, the Texan is running even with those
independents who call themselves moderate and liberal.

     One reason for Gore's problems with independents is that
those voters are more likely to consider Gore than Bush out of
touch with their ideological values, the poll found. Nearly half
of independents say they consider Gore more liberal than
themselves; but only one-third now consider Bush more
conservative than they are.

     That question also helps explain why Bush is attracting more
defectors from the other party than Gore. While 71% of
Republicans consider Gore more liberal than themselves, just 45%
of Democrats place Bush to their right. Those numbers underscore
the stakes in Gore's efforts to paint Bush as more conservative
than he appears on issues such as taxes and Social Security.

     These advantages for Bush are even more striking when set
against the backdrop of the electorate's overwhelming economic
satisfaction. Despite the recent stock market turbulence, 86% of
voters said the economy is doing well.

     The poll also found little market for big changes from
Clinton's economic policies. Only 15% of voters say they want the
next president to change those policies "a lot," while 33% want
to change "only a few specific things" and 44% want to continue
in the Clinton direction. Moreover, on the fundamental economic
dispute between Bush and Gore--how to allocate the federal budget
surplus--the contest is no contest: 81% of voters want to use the
surplus mostly to strengthen Social Security and Medicare and pay
down the national debt (as Gore urges), while only 16% want a tax
cut to take priority (as Bush is proposing).

     Yet, for all that, when asked who could better handle the
economy, Gore leads Bush by a meager 4 percentage points. When
voters are asked which party could better handle the economy, the
Democratic advantage is twice as large, which suggests that
Gore's showing could be a signal of broader doubts about his
capacity and leadership.

     There's one more worrisome sign for the vice president in
the survey. Despite the economic satisfaction, Clinton's approval
rating in the poll has sagged to 57%--still high but the lowest
level The Times has found in his second term. Voters split evenly
on the country's direction, with 46% saying it is moving in the
right direction, while an equal number say it is off on the wrong
track.

     That's a decline since early last year in the politically
sensitive "right direction" number, though the figure is still
much higher than it was in fall 1992 or 1980, when Americans
voted to evict the incumbent party from the White House. Gore's
larger problem is that he is not running nearly as well as he
will need to among voters satisfied with the country's direction.

     While Bush is winning 62% of those who say the country is on
the wrong track, Gore is winning only about half of those who
believe it is on the right track. That means a significant
portion of voters satisfied with the country's direction are now
voting for change, a dynamic that Gore himself will have to
change if he is to overcome Bush's early lead.


* * *
     No Mood Swings

     Voters are evenly split on whether the country is going in
the right direction or is off on the wrong track. This shows a
slight decline in the electorate's mood compared to last year,
though the assessment remains much more positive than in 1992,
the last time the incumbent party lost the White House.

* * *

     * Are things in this country generally going in the right
direction or are they seriously off on the wrong track? (Among
registered voters)


* * *

     * Presidential matchup: (Among registered voters)
     George W. Bush: 51%
     Al Gore: 43%
     Don't know: 5%
     Someone else (volunteered): 1%

* * *
     * Who would do a better job of handling the economy? (Among

registered voters)

     Democratic Party: 45%
     Republican Party: 37
     Al Gore: 45%
     George W. Bush: 41

* * *

     Note: Numbers may not total 100% where not all answer
categories are shown.

     Source: L.A. Times polls
     Times Poll results are also available at
http://www.latimes.com/timespoll

     HOW THE POLL WAS CONDUCTED

     The Times Poll contacted 1,211 registered voters nationwide
by telephone May 4-7. Telephone numbers were chosen from a list
of all exchanges in the nation. Random-digit dialing techniques
were used so that listed and unlisted numbers could be contacted.
The entire sample was weighted slightly to conform with census
figures for sex, race, age, education and region. The margin of
sampling error is plus or minus 3 percentage points. For certain
subgroups the error margin may be somewhat higher. Poll results
can also be affected by other factors, such as question wording
and the order in which questions are presented.

    Copyright 2000 Los Angeles Times

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