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06/19/2000
The Clinton Team and Blackmail
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By J. Michael Waller
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Intelligence and security experts are outraged at the Clinton
administration’s probable use of blackmail and susceptibility to it as the
Congress fails to investigate.
Catching people with their pants down was a prime way of compromising and
recruiting them,” recalls former KGB general Oleg Kalugin, who was decorated
for, among other things, recruiting Americans to spy for Moscow. The Russians
call it gathering “compromising material,” or kompromat. In the West, it’s
known as blackmail.
After the 1994 elections, when the Republicans took control of the
House of Representatives, the Clinton administration ran an alleged
dirt-digging operation out of the Office of the White House Chief of Staff,
says Gary Aldrich, a former senior FBI special agent on White House duty at
the time. “They hired upwards of 36 lawyers to staff the operation to handle
40 different cases,” Aldrich tells Insight. “Once it became known that they
had such an operation, then the blackmail itself took place.” It all came in
handy when the House impeached President Clinton. “People like [James]
Carville and [George] Stephanopoulos said in the media that there would be a
‘scorched-earth policy’ and that everyone who had skeletons in their closet
would be exposed if they didn’t back off the impeachment policy,” Aldrich
says.
These threats allegedly were carried out during the 1998 impeachment
trial of Clinton, when White House operatives and allies such as pornographer
Larry Flynt not only dug up dirt on their Republican opponents but openly
threatened them with releasing it if they persisted.
House leaders who didn’t submit found themselves swamped by
embarrassing revelations about their past or present personal lives. Some,
such as House Government Reform Committee Chairman Dan Burton of Indiana and
House Judiciary Committee Chairman Henry Hyde of Illinois, went public to
preempt the revelations. Others, such as House Speaker-elect Bob Livingston
of Louisiana, otherwise an able and honorable man, saw their political
careers destroyed.
They wouldn’t be blackmailed, but their fates would be an example to
others. According to Capitol Hill insiders, some Senate Republicans caved
under the implicit threat. “One of the things that always bothered me was why
senators we thought might be willing to do the right thing [and vote to
convict Clinton] backed off,” David Schippers, the Democratic Chicago lawyer
who led the impeachment investigation, tells Insight. “I still have in the
back of my mind some thought that Filegate had something to do with it.”
Filegate is, of course, the still-unresolved scandal of the FBI’s
illegal transfer to Clinton political operatives in the White House of the
secret, personal background files of at least 900 Republican former
officials. Those files, security experts say, are filled with raw, unverified
information of the most personal and often lurid kind. Schippers says he
believes the White House or its designees used leads from some of those files
to blackmail lawmakers on Capitol Hill. Congress, despite his urging, has
failed to probe the matter.
Blackmail, whether by political hacks or foreign spies, can be crude
or sophisticated. Some consists merely of confronting the targeted victim
with compromising documents, photos or videotapes. But it’s usually done more
subtly. Dan Moldea, who was one of pornographer Flynt’s lead investigators,
denies blackmail in a rambling self-defense: “No member of our team ever
approached any of our targets and posed any threats and/or ultimatums — or
participated in any other activity that could even remotely be viewed as
blackmail or extortion.” That would be illegal. But Aldrich says “blackmail
is implied,” and the recipient gets the message.
Kompromat-type blackmail might work to hold a politician at bay or
extort policy decisions. But in the intelligence world it usually isn’t
enough to recruit someone as an effective agent under operational control. A
1989 KGB training manual on recruitment of foreigners titled Political
Intelligence From the Territory of the USSR, obtained by Insight, says that
recruitment based purely “on the basis of kompromat” is “especially risky”
because it often produces a resentful or unreliable spy. Kompromat can be a
good starting point from which to begin recruitment, but often it takes place
after the intelligence service carefully has studied the target’s personality
and background to detect vulnerabilities.
“Intelligence subunits working in cooperation with counterintelligence
organs take timely measures to ensure that the agent recruited on the basis
of kompromat is ‘converted’ into an ideological or moral-psychological
basis,” according to the KGB manual, which was obtained from a former Soviet
republic.
This “moral-psychological basis,” the manual states, “represents a
broad spectrum of moral, psychological and emotional factors. Separate
elements partly include: careerist ambitions, considerations of prestige,
feelings of revenge, hate and love, nostalgia, personal sympathy for the
operational worker or agent, and fear of the consequences of illegal actions
which have been committed.” In other words, in the last case, blackmail
involves fear of exposure as a spy.
Kompromat breeds kompromat: To seal the recruitment of an individual
who has no present access to secrets, the KGB often would direct the target
“to collect descriptive and especially compromising information about his
countrymen.” A former senior U.S. intelligence officer tells Insight,
“Russia has no strategic or ideological leverage on us any more. All they’ve
got is money and kompromat. Of course it’s going to play in their relations
with us.”
Asked about the Clinton sex scandal when it broke in early 1998,
Russian Foreign Intelligence Service Director Vyacheslav Trubnikov told a
Russian newspaper, “Our intelligence service some time ago anticipated that
powerful pressure would be brought down to bear on the U.S. president and
that it would be exerted in various fields, including this one.”
Do we know how such pressure was exerted? That question seemed to
escape a Senate that acquitted Clinton. But former senator Sam Nunn, the
Georgia Democrat who won a reputation as one of Washington’s foremost
national-security experts, was deeply worried about Clinton. Nunn warned that
the president had opened himself — and the country — to blackmail by foreign
spy services. “For people to say that the president of the United States
having — allegedly — telephone sex, is strictly private, has nothing to do
with official duties,” Nunn told CNN in January 1999, “means they’ve never
been acquainted with the world of espionage and the world of blackmail.” Nunn
said that questions about Clinton’s phone sex should be treated as a
national-security issue: “It seems to me that the [Senate] Intelligence
Committee and the Armed Services Committee must ask the question about
espionage.”
Nunn’s concerns, security experts say, should be prompting serious
congressional scrutiny. “And, certainly, the White House is one of the most
targeted places in the world in terms of foreign espionage. And so you have
to ask the question: What if a foreign agent heard a young woman carrying on
discussions and then tapped her telephone? Those are the kinds of
consequences and risks and dangers any time the president has conversations
on the phone which could be intercepted and could be embarrassing to him
personally.”
Nunn added, “I have no idea whether there was any kind of intercept
here. I’m not on the committees, but those questions have to be asked because
you don’t want any president, or any high-ranking official, in a position to
be leveraged by any kind of foreign power or even domestic source. So that’s
the danger here. And private conduct that can be used in that way becomes a
matter of great public concern.”
—JMW
Today, candor compels us to admit that our vaunted two-party system is a
snare and a delusion, a fraud upon the nation. Our two parties have become
nothing but two wings of the same bird of prey...
Patrick Buchanan
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