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>From the New Paradigms Project [Not Necessarily Endorsed]:

From: Remy C. <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: endsecrecy list <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: [endsecrecy] Echelon in Financial Times
Date: Sunday, June 04, 2000 9:46 PM

From:
http://forum.ft.com/fintimes/Forum88/HTML/000001.html

Secrets and spies

A surveillance system that intercepts communications has become the focus of
dispute, writes Thomas Cat�n

Published: May 30 2000 | Last Updated: May 31 2000 07:13GMT

Long after most people thought spies had gone into post-cold war retirement,
espionage has emerged as one of the most serious irritants to transatlantic
relations since beef and bananas.

As Bill Clinton, the US president, tours European capitals this week, the
European parliament is preparing a year-long investigation into allegations
that the US - with the help of Britain and other English- speaking allies -
not only spies on foreign companies but feeds its intelligence to US
corporations. Next Thursday, European parliament leaders are due to vote on
the composition and terms of reference of the inquiry.

The claims have touched off a storm in France, and again highlighted
suspicions that Britain's loyalties remain divided between America and
Europe. That the US eavesdrops on foreign businesses is not in doubt. So,
for that matter, do other countries, including France. But whether
Washington uses the information to gain underhand commercial advantage over
its western allies will be much harder to prove - not least because economic
interests and national security have become so closely entwined.

At the centre of Continental European anxieties is a global surveillance
system, operated by the US, Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, that
intercepts millions of phone calls, faxes and e-mails each day. Codenamed
Echelon, it consists of about 10 listening posts worldwide, including at
least one in the UK. Data carried by satellites, microwave transmitters and
underground cables are searched by computer for keywords; selected data are
then sent to the US National Security Agency in Fort Meade, Maryland.

What happens to the information once it reaches the triple-fenced compound
at Fort Meade is a matter of dispute. In an extraordinary public hearing of
the Senate intelligence committee last month, Lt Gen Michael Hayden,
director of the NSA, acknowledged that the agency examined intelligence
relating to weapons proliferation, money laundering and corporate
corruption. But both he and George Tenet, director of the CIA, denied that
the information was passed on to US companies.

"There are instances where we learn that foreign companies or their
governments bribe, lie, cheat and steal their way to disenfranchise American
companies," Mr Tenet said. But complaints were always taken up with foreign
governments - not the offending company, he stressed: "We play defence. We
never play offence."

That distinction can be hard to maintain. The report submitted by British
journalist Duncan Campbell to the European parliament in February cites two
instances in which US companies are said to have benefited from government
espionage. In 1994, the report alleged, the US intervened in a Brazilian
tender for a $1.3bn surveillance system after the NSA intercepted evidence
that Thomson-CSF, the French defence contractor, was offering bribes.
Raytheon, the US defence company, won the contract. In the second case, NSA
found that agents for Airbus, the European aerospace consortium, were
offering bribes to a Saudi official. The Saudi government was alerted;
Boeing and McDonnell Douglas won the $6bn contract.

Neither case directly contradicts the US's insistence that it uses
intelligence only to "level the playing field" in cases where the bidding
process has been corrupted. The European Commission and the European
parliament have called on companies that feel they have been the victims of
espionage to come forward; none has yet done so. But suspicions persist.

The US's emphasis on economic security began under the Bush administration,
but appears to have been taken up with renewed vigour by the Clinton White
House. Warren Christopher, then secretary of state, declared in testimony
before the Senate foreign relations committee: "In the post-cold war world,
our national security is inseparable from our economic security."

To address that new priority, US intelligence support was extended to
commercial organisations in 1993 through the creation of a National Economic
Council, which mirrors work of the National Security Council. Two years
later, the White House National Security Strategy focused on economic
security as a national priority. Ron Brown, the late commerce secretary,
also set up a business "Advocacy Center", which reportedly combines
intelligence with other trade and economic data.

One result is the CIA's Daily Economic Briefing, also created under Mr
Brown. Though highly classified, the document is thought to contain a large
amount of publicly available information, supplemented by information from
intercepts.

But general economic intelligence will at times involve company-specific
espionage. For example, it is likely that most arms deals are targeted by
Echelon. And as Jeffrey Richelson, senior fellow at Washington's National
Security Archive, points out: "There you're at the junction between trade
and national security."

In addition to formal channels for passing information between government
and US companies, informal contacts also take place. Most heads of the CIA
and NSA join the boards of US companies once they leave, keeping one foot in
the world of intelligence and another in corporate America.

Many former directors of central intelligence (DCIs) maintain a contractual
relationship with their former employers. "They have a contract with the
agency to allow them to continue to come in and consult on a case-by-case
basis as required by the president or a subsequent director of
intelligence," a CIA spokesman says. However, the official adds, DCIs are
bound by federal post-employment regulations and, in any case, would need to
demonstrate a "need to know" before being granted access to any
intelligence.

Such safeguards are insufficient to allay the fears of the European
parliament. "The temptation to more than 'level the playing field' must be
absolutely enormous," says Glyn Ford, the MEP who originally commissioned
the report on Echelon.

Nevertheless, Europe's complaints may be overdone. First, there is the
potential for scandal. NSA got badly burned in the 1970s when it was found
to have been eavesdropping on US opposition figures such as Jane Fonda,
Martin Luther King and Eldridge Cleaver, the Black Panther leader.

Second, there is the question of who to help: with the rise of
multinationals, it is getting harder to decide which companies are truly
American.

Last, doubts remain as to whether any Echelon-like system would be capable
of intercepting the enormous volume of global electronic messages. The NSA
has been affected by personnel and funding cuts just when its targets have
been increased, worldwide communications have exploded, and private
encryption is becoming commonplace, says Steven Simon of the London-based
International Institute for Strategic Studies.

To many, the transatlantic friction is symptomatic of deeper issues. In
part, it reflects widespread anxieties about the loss of privacy in the
information age. More importantly, the European protests should be seen in
the light of rising tensions about several issues: national missile defence;
European plans to create an EU military force outside of Nato; the conduct
of the Kosovo war; and trade.

"This is not anxiety about the arcane field of signals intelligence so much
as it is concern about apparent American hegemony - whether it be aircraft
or hamburgers," says Steven Aftergood, of the Federation of American
Scientists.

Steven Simon, of the IISS, agrees: "The general conviction that America
wields too much power too heedlessly has helped animate the fury over
Echelon. The lesson should be that Europe and the US had better start
talking more constructively about the issues that divide them."



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