from:
Street Roots Vol.2 No.7
July 2000
1231 SW Morrison
Portland, OR 97205
503.228.5657
page 5
-----

Drugwar on Display

by Rayner Ward

A dedicated band of anti-drugwar activists, researchers and whistleblowers
met in the Wheeler Pavilion on the Lane County Fair Grounds in Eugene for a
grueling 14-hour symposium. Grueling, yet intensely rewarding. My back was
sore, my butt was aching, but I wouldn't have missed it for anything. The
event, attended by some 120 persons and organized by Kris Millegan and Mike
Ruppert, among others, featured two videos and ten speakers, each of whom
exemplified a unique perspective on "the war on drugs" declared by Richard
Nixon on the American people in 1972.

Though the speakers addressed a common subject, their variety of collective
experience was remarkable in itself. Among others, the participants included
Mike Ruppert, ex-L.A. cop turned whistleblower/researcher; Didon Dinali,
former black panther activist; author Rodney Stich; video producer Dan
Hoppsicker; ex-DEA whistleblower Celerino Castillo and the dean of drugwar
expose, author Prof. Peter Dale Scott.

The symposium's leadoff event, Hoppsicker's video, The Secret Heart of
America, dealt with the Arkansas "train deaths." After having witnessed a
'cocaine drop' outside of Mena, Arkansas, two hapless teenage boys were
murdered and left on the tracks. The perpetrators of this crime were
purportedly local county officials who were given ample assistance in the
ensuing cover-up by higher-ups, ostensibly by George Bush's Central
Intelligence Agency.

Hoppsicker's video was followed by Kris Millegan's excellent summary of the
history of the drug trade. Millegan recounted how Britishmilitary
adventurists and maritime opium traders created the British Empire. The
Empire grew and expanded as a result of the efforts of
early corporations such the British East India Company, which imported opium
from India to China and from China imported tea, silk and other items to
England and the American Colonies. In the process, Britain subverted and
dominated both of the once healthy and self- sufficient economies of India
and China, having defeated their unwilling trading partner (China) in three
"opium wars." Until the end of the transatlantic slave trade in 1832, the
opium trade occurred in tandem with the slave trade. The dual business, once
dominated by British merchants, was eventually appropriated by Yankee clipper
ship captains, the clipper ship having become the fastest ocean going vessel
of the times. By the end of the nineteenth century, mind- altering substances
such as opium, cocaine and hashish were commonly sold and used legally
throughout the Europe and the Americas in the form of heavily advertised
patent medicine, tonics and soft drinks, including Coca Cola spiced with
cocaine until 1903.

Millegan asserted that during the nineteenth century, just as in recent times
(if one considers, say, the Iran/Contra scandal) sleazy, shadowy operatives
plowed back immense pifits o the drug trade into various leverage points of
the economy, often changing the course of history itself. Opium profiteers,
such as William H. Russell, E. H. Harriman and AIphonse Taft, parlayed drug
profits into the establishment of railroad empires on the North American
continent. The practices of the railroad barons are well documented: the
ruination of farmers, laborers and small businessmen and corruption of local
government in the exercise of monopolistic polistic power. The descendents of
the railroad barons and opium traders Averell Harriman, William Howard Taft,
McGeorge Bundy, William Stimson�are now well known as diplomats, advisors to
presidents, Supreme Court judges and senators, scions of erstwhile opium
profiteers. These dynasties have endured for generations, exercising corrupt
political power hidden within secret societies. Such societies include Delta
Kappa Epsilon, Phi Beta Kappa (now an honorary academic society) and the
Skull and Bones, whose membership today features both George Bushes.

The early opium traders made fortunes legally by selling the perfect product,
one that the customer consumed completely and repeatedly. Opium and later
morphine, heroin and cocaine became relatively inexpensive self-medicative
drugs of choice for common people all throughout the Western World and for
awhile were accepted and approved by prevailing medical authorities. But what
drove drug profits through the roof was drug prohibition. Drug prohibition
began with the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906, followed by the Harrison
Narcotics Act of 1914 and the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937, all of which were
subsumed and expanded under the 1970 Controlled Substances Act. Under the
CSA, it has been almost impossible to conduct scientific research even on
marijuana. The concept of recreational drug use, popular in the media in the
late 1960s and early '70s, has vanished, along with the quaint notion of
victimless crimes, under a barrage of draconian laws and media hysteria. We
have been saddled with a one-size-fits-all drug regulation policy buttressed
by mandatory minimum sentences and long prison terms.

One major result of this myopic policy has been an avalanche of wealth for
drug profiteer elites. Another result, according to Peter Dale Scott, is a
precipitous increase in drug use. The same phenomenon occurred concomitant to
alcohol prohibition. In reference to Richard Nixon's "war on drugs" Prof.
Scott notes, "A metaphor can be a dangerous thing." Thus, instead of
declaring to the American people that henceforth the government would create
a persecuted underclass and expropriate and
disenfranchise the working class while enriching a criminal elite, Nixon and
his allies declared a "war on drugs." Conditions have deteriorated
increasingly since 1972.

Property seizure constitutes a salient example of this deterioration. Rodney
Stich, one of the speakers, recounted an example from his research: A
67-year-old widow was attempting to sell her house. Two men who expressed
interest in buying it answered her ad. During the conversation about the
proposed sale, one of the men mentioned in passing that some of the money for
the sale might be from a drug sale. For some reason or another, perhaps
ignorance, the woman let the remark pass and upon the finalization of the
sale, the two men, undercover narcotics agents, arrested her and confiscated
her house. She now resides in a state penitentiary though she claims never to
have bought, sold or used illegal drugs in her life. According to Stich,
there are now so many narcotics agents at all levels of government that some
resort to entrapment just in order to keep busy. At present two of every
three prison and jail inmates in the U.S. are first time, non-violent drug
offenders, and in the State of California, prison unions field the most
powerful political lobby in the state. It is difficult to find a family in
the U.S. that has not been negatively affected by this situation; especially
affected are children of parents who spend years behind bars for minor
offenses.

But not only individuals and families are impacted by the war on drugs.
According to speaker Mike Ruppert, the entire economy from the banks and
financial institutions to the stock market, real estate market, law
enforcement and government at all levels has been put at risk. When vast
illegal profits are made, they need to be laundered, to be brought safely
into the mainstream of the economy. "It's not just banks like BCCI, The Bank
of Crooks and Criminals International, or obscure banks in the Cayman Islands
that are dirty," says Ruppert. Banks all over the U.S. are compromised. You
can't bring a trunk full of five dollar bills into a bank anymore, but you
still can do that at a large brokerage house." The stock market will be happy
to accommodate. Just as the extraordinary profits of the early opium lords
helped to create an empire and subvert nations, so do contemporary illegal
drug profits help to buy corporations and politicians or undermine savings
and loan institutions. The S.& L. debacle cost the taxpayers half a trillion
dollars, deficits that shows up as a decrease in public services and
impoverishment of schools, hospitals and public institutions.

And let us not forget the impact of drug profits on the real estate market.
Peter Dale Scott recounted the story of Los Angeles' Freeway Ricky Ross, most
preeminent cocaine broker of the Iran/Contra period of he late 1980's. "He
found at one point that he had six or seven million dollars that he didn't
know what do with. So he mentioned it to Blandon." (his Nicaraguan Contra
partner) "You mean you don't know? Real estate, man, buy real estate." Might
not the impact of ubiquitous drug money effect the cost of housing for
ordinary people whose incomes are not bloated by illegal drug profits?
Laundered drug money flooding the economy at all levels might well be
considered a significant factor in inflating the prices of goods and
services. Ruppert contends that if laundered drug profits were withdrawn from
the economy, it is quite likely that financial institutions, certainly the
stock market, could not withstand the shock. If the banking system crashed,
the government itself would be on very shaky ground.

Celerino Castillo, a former DEA agent, was arguably the most poignant speaker
at the symposium. He grew up on a ranch in south Texas, joined the army in
order "to serve my country" and served with distinction in Viet Nam, having
been awarded the silver star. He worked in local law enforcement for five
years and then became a Drug Enforcement Administration agent. He had seen
the effects of heroin addiction in Viet Nam and wanted to "get the bad guys,"
as he put it. Instead, in the early '80s he found himself working in Central
America as a DEA liaison to the vicious, Guatemalan military. He witnessed
corruption, torture and murder of cocaine traffickers, who were targeted only
because they were rival drug dealers, as well as innocents who, like the
"train deaths" victims of Mena, Arkansas, just happened to be in the wrong
place at the wrong time. He began to write reports describing mass murders
under "slaughterhouse" conditions. He complained that his missions were often
trumped by C.I.A. operations, so that time and again he was forced to release
arrestees in deference to arbitary orders from superiors.

His reports were ignored or elicited reprimands from superiors who formerly
praised his work Finally, his career in tatters, his wife having divorced him
as a result of the stress of his job, Castillo quit in disgust. "I always
wanted to get the bad guys," he said. "And then I found out that the bad guys
were us." But Castillo managed to document his career thoroughly. He showed
us documents, horrific photos of the work of death squads, and named names of
corrupt C.I.A. agents. Today he substitute teaches in a public high school
and has written a book recounting his experience as a whistleblower exposing
the scam of the war on drugs.

Solutions to the problems, as elucidated by the symposium members, are
varied. Education is the most common theme. As speaker Didon Dimali, said,
"The young are naturally the vanguard of change in society. We must let them
know what is happening to our country." The schools, the government
institutions, the media, the politicians, it seems, won't do this because
they are part of the problem. And as Mike Ruppert said, "It may already be
too late."

Hopefully not. If you are interested in this subject here are some references:
The Politics of Heroin by Alfred W. McCoy

The Iran Contra Connection by Peter Dale Scott and Jane Hunter

Powderburns by Celerino Castillo

Drugging America by Rodney Stich

HYPERLINK http://www.ctrl.org ( website of Kris Millegan)

HYPERLINK http://www.copvcia.com (website of From the Wilderness Newsletter
of Michael Ruppert

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