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-----
Iraq and a Hard Place


Gulf War Changed Nothing


So much for Gulf War heroes.

Ten years after Saddam Hussein's tanks rolled into Kuwait, precipitating the
Gulf war, the Iraqi dictator is still firmly in power and the politics of the
region are little changed, writes Patrick Bishop

AS they sweltered in their desert hooches, waiting for the action to begin,
every American soldier told you the same thing: "We're here to kick Saddam's
butt. If we don't, we're just going to have to come back and do it in 10
years. And next time he'll probably have nuclear weapons."

Saddam's butt was indeed kicked, but not hard enough. A decade after the
crisis began, he has yet to acquire a nuclear arsenal, but he remains the
biggest threat to peace in the region while continuing to torture and murder
his own people.

He has established himself so firmly in Western political demonology that it
is easy to forget that he used to be our friend. America's feud with the
Khomeini regime meant that Saddam had our backing in his long, slogging war
with Iran, even though it was he who started it.

In 1988, British and American warships mounted a huge convoy protection
operation to shield Iraqi tankers from Iranian attack as they sailed through
the Strait of Hormuz. When the row over Iraq's claim to the Kuwaiti oilfields
broke out, no one, at first, took it terribly seriously. It was a "tiny cloud
in the summer sky", the Gulf savants opined, that would soon blow over.

But then there was the invasion and overnight Saddam stopped being a sort of
Middle Eastern Idi Amin and became the new Hitler. The allied war aim was
simple: the expulsion of Iraqi forces from Kuwait. American rhetoric, though,
suggested there was a higher purpose. This was the first big international
upheaval since the end of the Cold War.

The Russians, too, were wearing white hats now. Together, the superpowers
were going to build a fairer, more just world. The American tank crews and
Marines parked in their tens of thousands in the border dunes believed it.
Victory, they thought, might not only rid the world of a menace, but also
introduce some American values to an area that looked as if it could use
them.

Many of the Arab forces bolted on to the American military machine hoped for
the same. They have been disappointed. Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, the two main
beneficiaries of the intervention, are stubbornly politically primitive. In
Kuwait, only a small minority of the population have the vote. None of them
are women.

Saudi Arabia remains firmly in the hands of one family, who use the country's
oil coffers as a personal bank, force their womenfolk into medieval servitude
and deny political and religious rights to anyone outside their orbit.

Both countries are incapable of defending themselves and have periodic panic
attacks when a playful Saddam moves troops in their direction. Saddam himself
appears to show little sign of losing his grip in the part of the country
that matters, the Sunni centre.

Control of the distribution of the food the regime is allowed to buy with oil
revenues has created a patronage network that rewards those inside his
geographical power base at the expense of the rest. Other money, such as the
$1 million a day he makes exporting oil through Turkey and black market
revenue from the strong trade through Dubai, goes on keeping the security
apparatus and the Republican Guards sweet.

The army, once the only real challenge to his rule, has been emasculated by
repeated purges. In the north, the Kurdish problem has diminished since the
Talabani and Barzani clans started fighting each other over who should get
the rake-off from the oil passing through Kurdistan to Turkey.

The Shias in the south are restive but subdued. Both they and the Kurds can
look up every day and see the condensation trails of the British and American
jets patrolling the skies in the name of their safety.

They know better than anyone that the activity is meaningless. Saddam's
ground forces could roll in any time and the allies, whose mandate covers
only fixed-wing aircraft and anti-aircraft artillery, would be powerless to
stop them.

Having lost its bases in Kurdistan in 1996, the external opposition is
fragmented, fractious and dependent on the US Congress and the British and
American secret services for funds. The main danger to Saddam remains those
around him.

The Saddam clan has a strong claim to being one of the most dysfunctional
families in history, a Baghdad version of the Borgias. In recent years he has
murdered two of his sons-in-law and fallen out badly with his three
half-brothers. His two sons, Uday and Qusay, are locked into a vicious
rivalry.

Uday, the elder, blames Qusay, who is responsible for family security, for
not protecting him from an assassination attempt which has left him partly
paralysed. Saddam, 64, is rumoured to be ill, though exiles discount stories
of cancer. A general who fled four years ago and now studies him on
television, said: "He is yellow and old and has aged 15 years since 1996."

His appetite for trouble seems undiminished, however. He may lack a nuclear
capacity but he is believed to have chemical and biological weapons and last
month test-fired a missile with a range of 150 miles. A new confrontation
with United Nations weapons inspectors looms later this month.

Nearly 10 years on, despite the immense expenditure of Iraqi blood and allied
treasure, Saddam remains a primary potential cause of trouble in the world.
But this time there is no more talk of kicking butt.

The London Telegraph, August 2, 2000
-----
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