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Thanks,

Robert Sterling
Editor, The Konformist
http://www.konformist.com

7/31/00
[EMAIL PROTECTED] (Kevin M. Kniffin)

Nader (G) has Brand-Loyal Democrats and Republicans Looking for Covers


Placing the cart before the horse is the way a recent bill sponsored by
Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr. (D-IL) has described the Commission on
Presidential Debates' arbitrary and excessive 15% polling threshold for
inclusion in this fall's meetings of presidential hopefuls.

To date, Jackson's bill has only two co-sponsors--Danny Davis (D-IL) and
Cynthia McKinney (D-GA).

Why aren't there others?  Why aren't all of the members of the so-called
Congressional Progressive Caucus, which includes New York
Representatives Hinchey, Nadler, Serrano, and Velazquez, already in
support of this proposal?

Because the bill put forth by Rep. Jackson would provide an immediate
entry into the debates for Green Party candidate Ralph Nader, who is
steadily and quickly rising in polls, recently reaching 8% nationally,
9% in New York and California, and as high as 11% in a new
Connecticut-based poll.

Nader and the Greens are working across the country to make the issue of
corporate power the most basic subject of debate.

And, when you recognize facts such as the $1 million dollar donations to
the Republican--and Democratic--national conventions from AT&T, General
Motors, and Microsoft, it's clear both parties have reason to fear
unwanted exposure on this front.

Of course, exposure alone is nothing new.  US citizens have long figured
out that the dollars of the nation's--and world's--elite is what makes 
the Republicrats run.  The new threat is posed by the fact that there 
is a candidacy aiming to represent those people disgusted by the
politics-as-usual that sells our national policies to the highest
campaign contributors.

Those people so eager to defend Al Gore--and George W. Bush--from the
"dangerous" prospect that people might vote for Ralph Nader are putting
their brands before their brains.

Universal Health Care.  Public financing of campaigns.  Living Wages for
workers.  More teachers, Fewer new stadiums.  US withdrawal from the
WTO, NAFTA, and GATT.  Opposition to the death penalty.  Aggressive
development of solar energy technology. The list goes on and on with
items of vital, daily, and long-term importance--not to mention popular
support--that neither Gore nor Bush has any desire or will to discuss, 
let alone act upon in any significantly positive way.

Ralph Nader knows well how to articulate his views on these issues and
once he is successful--one way or another--in debating Messrs. Gore 
and Bush, the US citizenry will understand there's little reason to 
stay bound to the "one corporate party wearing two heads," as Nader 
identifies the effect of the shared interests, shared agenda, and 
shared donor-owners of the Republican and Democratic parties.

It's time that our thoughts for the White House made room for a second
party, a party not fully beholden to their corporate suitors.

That the vast majority of Congress drags their feet on this modest
pro-democracy resolution is not surprising. That observation, however,
does nothing to make it any less shameful.


Kevin Kniffin
Binghamton, NY
July 31, 2000

607-...-....

Kevin Kniffin <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> is a member of the Green Party of
New York State.  He is also a doctoral candidate at the State University
of New York at Binghamton.

Please contact the author if you print this letter.  You can write to
him via email or postal mail c/o Binghamton Greens, PO Box 83, 
Binghamton, NY 13905.  Thank you.


� For more information on Nader's rising success in the polls, please
see the July 20, 2000 press release online at
<http://www.votenader.org/press/000720ConnecticutPoll.html>.

� For more information on the conventions and their corporate sponsors,
please see the July 10, 2000 Money in Politics Alert from the Center for
Responsive Politics.  It is online at
<http://www.opensecrets.org/alerts/v5/alertv5_51.htm>.

� For more information on the status of House Conference Resolution #373
sponsored by Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr. on July 18, 2000, please see
<http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d106:h.con.res.00373:>.

*****

http://www.zmag.org/ZSustainers/ZDaily/2000-07/07herman.htm

ZNet Daily Commentary

July 7, 2000

THE NEW YORK TIMES VERSUS NADER--AND DEMOCRACY

By Edward S. Herman

In its editorial, "Mr. Nader's Misguided Crusade" (June 30),
the New York Times assails Nader's candidacy and campaign 
on grounds that are partly fraudulent and misleading (as I
describe below). But it is also clear that this attack is
based ultimately on the owners-editors satisfaction with the
political and economic status quo, which Nader is calling
into question. The editors claim that the two parties offer
voters a "clear-cut choice," so that there is "no driving
logic for a third-party candidacy this year." It follows for
them that Nader is just an ego driven "spoiler," even though
it is conceded that he has a "right to run."

According to the Times, while Nader is close to Gore on 
the issues, he rejects him because Gore is "too much of an
incrementalist." This misrepresents the serious differences
on the issues, but it also ignores Nader's fundamental
argument--that Gore and Bush are both hostages to big money,
so that just as Clinton served the monied interests with
only token gestures to the majority, Gore is sure to do 
the same. It is not Gore's incrementalism, but rather what 
Gore is likely to do given his and his party's financial
obligations, that differentiates Nader from Gore.

In his excellent acceptance speech at the Green Party
Convention on June 25, Nader made numerous suggestions for
needed policy changes--resting on "peoples" rather than
"corporate yardsticks"--that neither Gore nor Bush have
addressed. Among other matters, Nader mentioned: (1) 
An ending to the support of foreign dictators and the
introduction of "foreign policies that support the peasants
and the workers for a change." (2) A sharp reduction of a
bloated military budget that is badly out of control, a
situation resting on the fact that weapons manufacturers
"foist weapons systems on the Pentagon, working with a
PAC-greased supine Congress." Nader would finally declare
that long elusive "peace dividend" that will surely continue
to escape Gore-Bush. (3) Labor laws that "facilitate the
organization of trade unions" and that provide the kind of
statutory "social wage" that most European countries have
had in place for many years. (4) Major public investments 
in schools, health clinics, mass transit, drinking water
systems and other services that directly benefit the
majority. (5) An attack on inequality via a revised tax
system that no longer serves the corporate elite. (6) An
ending of the "epidemic of silent environmental violence,"
that rests on corporate domination, as in the continued
subsidized logging of the national forests.

Across the board, Nader laid out a philosophy and program
that was sensitive to majority and not corporate needs. He
also stresses the importance of relieving America's children
from "the most intense marketing onslaught in history" and
the dangers of "giving too much power to the merchant
mind...because its singular focus and its self-driven
impulses run roughshod over the more non- commercial values
that define a worthy society." This attack on advertising,
consumerism, and the "let-the-fur-fly" individualism and
business culture that business domination has spawned must
have sent cold chills down the spines of the editorial board.

The New York Times never reproduced Nader's acceptance
speech, although it has found endless space for trivial
charges and counter-charges between Bush and Gore, fine
details of their personal histories, and the status of the
horse race between the approved duopolists. The blackout 
of Nader's speech made it easier for them to make the false
editorial claim of little difference between Gore and Nader.
But it also allowed the paper to keep the issues under
cover. One of Nader's campaign aims was to force a
discussion of major issues that the duopolists and their
backers don't want addressed. In their treatment of Nader
the Times has gone to some pains to evade those issues and
to make like all the real ones are being debated between
Gore and Bush. Thus, in addition to failing to give its
readers Nader's acceptance speech, it has covered his
campaign with great superficiality, not discussing his
criticisms and programs, but reporting on his financial
wealth ("Nader Reports Big Portfolio in Technology," 
June 19), his attack on the corporate financing of the
presidential debates (June 20), and the possible effects of
his candidacy on Gore's electoral prospects (June 22). So
the Times not only refuses to evaluate Nader as a candidate
in terms of his relative integrity and intelligence, it is
unwilling to allow him to discuss basic issues in a public
forum. It says his "only realistic role" this year might be
to throw the election to Bush--but that may be because the
Times (and its confreres) will not permit Nader to serve an
educational function.

But the Times's dismissal of Nader does rest in large
measure on his policy positions and democratic philosophy.
The editors are explicitly satisfied with the range of
policy options Gore and Bush allow. When they claim that
Gore and Nader are not far apart on environmental issues,
they do not discuss whether or not Gore would follow up any
promises with action--they do not review the Clinton record
in this regard, or analyse the effects of financial
dependency on the gaps between promises and realization. 
But that is because they don't care that much about the
realization of any populist promises.

The Times does allow that Nader is different on "trade"
policy, with Nader the "protectionist" and Gore and Bush
both allegedly better serving the interests of the working
class. "Protectionism runs counter to much of what Mr. Nader
has fought for over the years." (The editors note that
foreign competition has had beneficial effects on the auto
industry.) The Times bias here is long-standing, and so 
is their misrepresentation of the contesting positions and
facts. The paper has long buried polls that show the working
class opposed to the trade agreements that it and the
corporate community favor. The editors can never put it 
this way, but essentially they claim that the working class
doesn't recognize its own true interests, only big business
and the Times do, and that by a coincidence once again
what's good for GM is good for us all. They also distort
Nader's position, which is not anti-trade, but is against
rules that take the right to control foreign investment and
trade out of the hands of democratic communities, in some
cases giving them over to distant bureaucracies without
democratic accountability.

The Times speaks for the plutocratic establishment; Nader 
opposes that establishment; and the paper's news and
editorial position hostile to Nader follows accordingly. 
But it also notable, and a bit more sinister, that the 
paper will not even allow Nader's positions to be honestly
presented and the issues he wants to address to be debated.
The plutocracy reaches deeply into constraining the public's
right to know.

-

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