..............................................................

Subject: Deeper Look at Carroll Quigley's Tragedy and Hope

A-albionic Research Weekly Up-date of August 19, 2000
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

     In This Issue
     ^^^^^^^^^^^^^

******************************************************

1. A DEEPER LOOK Into "Tragedy and Hope"
BY Stephen Zarlenga

    Stephen Zarlenga dispels the misconceptions
about Carroll Quigley's work so often promoted by the John
Birch Society and other right-wing groups.  Though
failing to mention Quigley's Georgetown Jesuit
Vatican sponsors, Zarlenga clearly shows Quigley's
anti-Anglophile orientation and applies Quigley's
world-view to reveal the secret motives behind
the recent Balkan War.  Was Clinton, a self-confessed
follower of Carroll Quigley, blackmailed by Anglophile
forces via the Lewinsky scandal to undermine the
European Union via the Balkan War and abort the Vatican's
desired opening to Islam by continuing the confrontation
with Iraq?


Stephen Zarlenga's
AMERICAN MONETARY INSTITUTE http://www.monetary.org/

2. The Books & Articles of Carroll Quigley
available from A-albionic Research

    Hard-to-find items now available for
    purchase on-line.

*******************************************************


1.  A DEEPER LOOK Into "Tragedy and Hope''
       BY Stephen Zarlenga

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Prof. Carroll Quigley's Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our
Time was one of the most important historical and predictive works to
appear in the 20th century. The book was also among the century's most
misunderstood and under-appreciated works of historiography.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

     First published in 1964, the scope of Tragedy is enormous, with
1,348 pages providing important insights into the forces that have shaped
Western civilization. Quigley divided these forces into six aspects:
military, political, economic, social, religious and intellectual. These
six aspects then "fall into the three major areas of: the patterns of
power, rewards; and outlooks."

     Note that Prof Quigley placed military force at the head of the list.
He was a hard-nosed realist when it came to the role of power in society;
; to the ultimate basis of power upon armed force; and of the dependence,
reach and effectiveness of armed force upon weaponry. Thus he stated:

      ". . . [T]he nature, organization and control of weapons is the most
significant of the numerous factors that determines what happens in
political life." [p. 1,200]

     Quigley was a highly creative mind in understanding how these forces
influenced the evolution of civilizations. He taught what he had learned
to his students at Georgetown University, at Harvard and at Princeton; and
wrote a textbook for college students throughout the United States.

     Tragedy is also presented from the vantage point of one who was dose
to the official halls of American power, as a lecturer on diverse subjects
at the U.S. Naval Weapons Laboratory, the State Department's Foreign
Service Institute, the Naval College and the Industrial College of the
Armed Forces. He was a consultant to the Congressional Select Committee
which created NASA, and to the Navy's Project Seabed whose task in 1964
was to project what U.S. Naval weapons systems would be like 12 years out.
In addition are his memberships in scholarly bodies such as the American
.Association for the Advancement of Science, the American Anthropological
Association and the American Economic Association, to name just a few. Any
one of these accomplishments could be considered as a milestone. lifetime
achievement.

     But what really intrigued many of Quigley's readers (or more
accurately his reviewers) was his awareness, proximity and understanding
of the workings of the unofficial levers of western power; and more
specifically a group which evolved from what he referred to as the Anglo
American Establishment in an earlier manuscript, and which he calls the
"British-American Atlantic Establishment" in this book. Quigley clearly
knew more about these matters than anyone else who has been cling to
discuss them publicly.

     Most past reviews of this book have  suffered from overly focusing on
their own area of interest-namely conspiracy Quigley's fascinating
references to the behind the scenes forces conspiring to affect the course
of history. In large part, these reviews have really been the same review
in different for mats, and I don't believe they effectively encouraged
people to actually read Quigley.  Many reviewers also jumped to the
conclusion that Quigley himself was one of the conspirators.

    But those who convinced themselves that Quigley was a promoter of this
conspiracy have been unable to give coherent explanations of why he wrote
the book. The contradiction, or paradox arises from the book's most quoted
paragraph by these reviewers:

    "I know of the operations of this network because I have studied it
for twenty years and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960% to
examine its papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or most of
its aims and have, for much of my life, been close to it and to many of
its instruments. I have objected, both in the past and recently, to a few
of its policies (notably to its belief that England was an Atlantic rather
than a European power and must be allied, or even federated, with the
United States and must remain isolated from Europe), but in general my
chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I
believe its role in history is significant enough to be known." [p. 950,
emphasis added]

     Obviously, acknowledging and publicizing the existence of this secret
group operating in a conspiratorial manner is the single most effective
way to thwart them. So how can that be reconciled with Quigley's professed
support of "most" of their goals? Perhaps the minority of their goals
which he didn't support, were the ones regarding their own positions of
supreme imperial power in the unfolding development of mankind. Indeed, if
we merely take Quigley at his word in the above quotation, aligning
England firmly into the European Community and reducing its influence in
the United States would in fact quickly reduce if not obliterate the power
and influence of the "network."

     Significantly, in these conservative reviews, when that paragraph is
quoted, the key parenthetical is usually not included. It is left out, and
an ellipsis is inserted instead.

     It is also very noteworthy that powerful elements of the English
establishment continue to act today in that behavior mode criticized by
Quigley: refusing to join fully in the European Union and exerting far too
much influence on the United States, for example through NATO, as is
apparent from the Yugoslav war reporting.



     For a dramatic example of this book's relevance to understanding
current events, let's briefly examine the Yugoslav war,' which analysts
from across the political spectrum were unable to explain satisfactorily.
Try as they might. none could make much sense of NATO's; very
disproportionate bombing campaign against that small country--a merciless
campaign even waged against civilian infrastructure. But what if we add
one of Quigley's concepts to the mix?

     In the ongoing civil war, there had been reports of many atrocities
being committed by Serb and Kosovar alike. But the NATO bombing appeared
to do more harm to those Kosovars it was supposed to be helping, than the
offending Serbs had been doing.

     Why was the campaign carried on with such a vengeance that it
appeared the very survival of a great power was at stake? Perhaps it
was/is.

     Certainly not any of America's vital interests, or the English
people's vital interests, are at stake. But perhaps the vital
interests--even survival--of the secret power network exposed by Quigley
are at stake. Consider the dynamic consolidation of the European Union,
with a greater population and greater economic production than the U.S.,
and now with the introduction of the new Euro currency the entire area
will be able to get out from under Alan Greenspan's dollar "hammer."

     True to Quigley's main criticism. England has remained aloof from the
European Community, though arguably it would be advantageous to the
English people for her to join. But England's power structure would then
just be one among 11 other states, and their system of balancing one
European power against another would be relegated to history's dust bin of
dirty tricks. Since they are not really at home in America either, if the
European Community and its currency succeed as they in all likelihood
will, then the so called Anglo American Establishment which Quigley
exposed, would be Largely isolated there in the Atlantic between two great
powers.

     One "solution"?  Stop the European community. How? It may be
impossible. But perhaps with enough destabilization on the Balkan
underbelly, Europe can be put off balance for a time, giving the
opportunity for more such actions to arise. Also, if the responsibility
for rebuilding Yugoslavia can be dumped onto the Europeans, it would be
hard to think of a worse way to lead off the new Euro currency's career.
This is not to say that additional interests and factors are not also in
play; they always are.

     The section of Tragedy entitled 'European ambiguities" [p. 1279]
presents invaluable perspectives for understanding the current disposition
of the European Community, along with its potential strengths and historic
weaknesses, and the role which must be played by England, for an optimal
resolution of "the problem of Germany"--the fact that a united Germany
eventually becomes such a powerhouse, that other states fear and act
against her.

     We return to Quigley's reasons for directing conciliatory remarks
toward the goals of the group. Blatantly exposing the existence of this
unseen power network could have jeopardized the publication of the book.
By directing a few "friendly" phrases toward it (which when properly
analyzed are not be so friendly after all), no red flags were raised--at
Macmillan and Company Publishers. That this was a real problem was
demonstrated later by Macmillan's refusal to print a second edition after
wide attention was focused on the exposure of the secret network, even
though there was a good demand for the book.

     Moreover, Quigley's earlier manuscript, called The Anglo American
Establishment, which describes the group at the end of World War II in
some precise detail with names and dates, and, in a more critical manner,
had proved unpublishable and was gathering dust at Georgetown since 1949.
I learned of its existence in 1980 through a strange and unique set of
accidental occurrences beginning 14 years earlier on the Greek island of
Rhodes. With the help of one of Quigley's confidants, I found it in the
archives and published it in 1981.

     While those secret power network discussions coming from a scholar of
Quigley's stature are very significant and would be more than enough
reason to read Tragedy and Hope; concentrating only on them doesn't do
justice to the totality of the book. For example by page 21, using his
demographic concepts of how civilizations evolve, Quigley has predicted
that the west should expect to be feeling "Asiatic pressure" about the
year 2,000 A.D.

     Further, he explains why a different sequence of developments in
factors such as ideology, weapons and agriculture has produced very
different results in the east as compared to western civilization. For
example in the west the agricultural and industrial revolutions and
raising of living standards occurred before the weapons developments of
the early- to mid-1900s. This made it possible for individual citizens to
have access to the same weapons at the disposal of the state.

     But "In Asia these better weapon arrived before Living standards
could be raised by the agricultural revolution. . . As a result
governments in Europe in 1930 hardly dared to oppress the people and
democracy was growing; but in to non-European world by 1930 (and even more
by 1950) governments did dare to, and could, oppress their peoples, who
could do little to prevent it" [pp. 22-23].

     One of the most significant sections of the book is on "Financial
Capitalist,." starting on page 50:

     "This third stage of capitalism is of such overwhelming significance
in the history of the 20th century; and its ramifications and influences
have been so subterranean, and even occult, that we may be excused if we
devote considerate attention to its organization and methods."

     This section contains one of the book's most intriguing paragraphs:

     "The influence of financial capitalism and of the international
bankers who created it was exercised both on business and on governments,
but could have done neither if it had not been able to persuade both these
to accept two "axioms" of its own ideology. Both of these were based on
the assumption that politicians were too weak and too subject to temporary
popular pressures to be trusted with control of the money system;
accordingly, the sanctity of all values and the soundness of money must be
protected in two ways: by basing the value of money on gold and by
allowing bankers to control the supply of money. To do this it was
necessary to conceal, or even to mislead, both governments and people
about the nature of money and its methods of operation." [p. 53, emphasis
added]

     Throughout the monetary research I've done over the last 10 years,
that statement is accurate, very important and generally unrecognized.
Quigley gives one example of the deception:

     ". . . [B]ankers, as creditors in money terms, have been obsessed
with maintaining the value of money, although the reason they have
traditionally given for this obsession--that sound money' maintains
business confidence'--has been propagandist rather than accurate."

He goes on:

     "Inflation, especially a slow ;ready rise is prices, encourages
producers, because it means they Can commit themselves to costs of
production on one price level and then. Later, offer the finished product
:or sale at a somewhat higher Price level." [pp. 46-47]

     Such a situation is usually best for working people, while "price
stability," the Federal Reserve's 1990s mantra, has been really good for
paper manipulations, but bad for the average working man.

     Whether Quigley is discussing central banking and the onset of the
Great Depression; or developments in inter war Germany; or conditions in
Japan just before President Harry Truman decided to use nuclear weapons;
the reader feels a confidence in Quigley's knowledge of behind-the-scenes
facts and analysis which probably never made it into the newspapers of the
day.

     Reading from page 1,200 on, one is truck by the accuracy of Quigley's
projections on present-day events and problems. The effects of a fully
professional army for example, in changing wars from the bloody all-out
citizen soldier efforts of the Civil War, World War I and World War II, to
wars where casualties are avoided at almost any cost. Quigley tells us in
1964, to expect warfare where leaders like Sadam Hussein are left in
control, to avoid inconvenient power vacuums.

     Indeed for those who are not history buffs, who may have difficulty
getting through the early chapters in a timely way, simply shift your
approach and read from page 1200 first. Quigley's relevance to the present
day will become immediately obvious, in these fascinating pages. One
section discusses why the middle class hasn't been successful in passing
their values on to their children; a factor which Ouigley considered of
great importance. No punches are pulled, no psycho babble used; and some
readers will squirm as they recognize Quigley is zeroing in on a few of
their own foibles.

     Quigley analyzes the unfortunate move toward sensationalism in cult
and concludes that "the most therapeutic action in which any society can
engage" is to rely on experience in the historical sense and to link up
with the society's traditions. And he concisely presents the "Western
Tradition" [pp. 1,226-91. Here one learns what the misused terms "liberal"
and "conservative" really mean, in a way that not even one in a hundred
among politically astute observers understand.

     He calmly demonstrates why Puritanism is essentially opposed to the
Western Tradition. For example the Puritan view is that truth is found by
rational deduction from revelation; whereas the orthodox western view is
that truth is found from experience and revelation, interpreted by
tradition.

     "The Puritan point of view tended to support political despotism and
to seek a one--class uniform society, while the older view (still
represented in the Anglican and Roman,Churches) put much greater emphasis
on traditional pluralism and saw society as a unity of diversities" [p.
1226-9].


``````````````````````
Quigley worried greatly about the ready availability of chemical and
nuclear weapons, for it is these sorts of weapons that will dominate
warfare for the duration of the West Above, an old man plods through the
wasteland of Nagasaki
```````````````````````


     This powerful section, I suspect, is one of the reasons the Quigley
reviews Carroll were so narrow and one sided.

     The final chapter presents elements of what Quigley views as tragic,
and/or hopeful in the evolving future. To understand these, one must keep
in mind the overriding importance Quigley placed on weapons systems.

     The main tragedy which Quigley has accurately foreseen is the growing
centralization of power and consequent pressure placed on democratic
institutions. To him, this was a matter of weaponry:

     "There seems little reason to doubt that the specialist weapons of
today will continue to dominate the military picture into the foreseeable
future. If so, there is little reason to doubt that authoritarian rather
than democratic political regimes will dominate the world into the
foreseeable future." [p. 1,201]

     He presents the "hope" that in this negative scenario it may still be
possible to live a "full social or intellectual life whose value may be
even more significant than a democratic political or military structure."
This was written before the imposition of the intellectually stifling
regime of "political correctness" was even considered a possibility. In
this area Quigley underestimated the intellectual viciousness which would
accompany the process of "obtaining obedience."

     Another related hope: ". . . [A]ny increase in defensive weapon power
would stop the growth in size of power areas and would in time reverse
this tendency."

     Quigley presents the tragedy of how easily and cheaply biological and
chemical weapons of mass destruction could be manufactured in a kitchen
laboratory. However, Quigley's weapons orientation could even see a
hopeful possibility in the spread of such weapons:

     " . . . This might well contribute toward the decentralization of
power already discussed" [p. 1,210].

     He analyzes the tragedy of the U.S.A. and Russia in a nuclear
face-off; and the hope that because there could be no winner, it would not
happen. (Note: The "hope" in this area fades if the Russians have nothing
to lose.)


     Quigley also discusses the importance and possibility of developing
independent energy and materials sources, as a precondition of political
and economic decentralization. I believe he would have seen great "hope"
in the development of the Internet, a potentially major decentralizing
force in communications, which he did not foresee.

     I'll close with Quigley's observation on the need for a democratic
educational process to teach the whole man, rather than just
specializations:

     "We need a culture that will produce people eager to do things, but
we need even more a culture that will make it possible to decide what to
do . . . Decisions about goals requires values, meaning, context,
perspective. They can be set . . . only by people who have some inkling of
the whole picture" [p. 1,274].

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Stephen Zarlenga, who worked more than 30 years in the world of
investment, speculation and publishing on political economy subjects, has
for several years concentrated on research in monetary history and theory.
Stephen Zarlenga's AMERICAN MONETARY INSTITUTE http://www.monetary.org/
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

***********************************************

2.  Books and Articles by Carroll Quigley Available from A-albionic
Research:

The Evolution of Civilization by Carroll Quigley, 1961 Paperback, 0441
pages, Order #12478 $25.00

Neo-Spenglerian theory of the rise and fall of civilization.  Claims
civilization springs from a successful mechanism which allow an elite,
ruling class to extract a "surplus" from the people for further expansion.
Claims "institutionalization" eventually makes the mechanism rather than
the extraction of surplus into an end in itself.  For instance Democracy
itself becomes a value in itself rather than a fraud perpetrated by the
elite to gain the consent of the ruled as originally intended!


America's Future in Energy by Carroll Quigley, 1975 Article,  Order #12017
$4.00

Current History, July 1975


Anglo-American Establishment:  The Conspiracy from Rhodes to Cliveden by
Carroll Quigley, 1981 Paperback, 366 pages, Order #10628 $12.00

Published after Quigley's death and without his consent.  Very detailed
look at the participants of the Round Table Conspiracy and the results of
their actions.


The Anglo-American Establishment (A Book Review):  The Conspiracy from
Rhodes to Cliveden by Carroll Quigley, 1982 Article, 2 pages, Order #12014
$2.00

Very negative review of Carroll Quigley's thesis by the Editors of
Publisher's Weekly.


The Brazzavile Twelve by Carroll Quigley, 1962 Article,  Order #12020
$4.00

Current History, December 1962.  Analysis of West African politics.


The Creative Writer Today by Carroll Quigley, 1967 Article,  Order #12019
$4.00

Catholic World, December 1967.  Not yet found or read.  However, from
Tragedy and Hope it can be gleaned that Quigley felt that the anti-middle
class literature was having its planned effect!  1-24-93:  Yes, finally
read and this is exactly Quigley focus.


The French Community and Western Security by Carroll Quigley, 1960
Article, 9 pages, Order #12016 $5.00

Quigley supports anti-AngloAmerican moves of France's Anglophobic DeGaul!


French Tropical Africa:  Today and Tomarrow by Carroll Quigley, 1961
Article,  Order #12021 $4.00

Current History, February 1961.  Not yet read, however, appears to be more
non-support for the AngloAmerican cabal and favor for a "Catholic"
continental power.


Major Problems of Foreign Policy by Carroll Quigley, 1968 Article,  Order
#12018 $4.00

Current History, October 1968.  Argues that the AngloAmerican cabal must
not act "unilaterally" without consulting "European partners" and much
else.


Needed:  A Revolution in Thinking by Carroll Quigley, 1968 Article, 5
pages, Order #12013 $5.00

Carroll Quigley repudiates the Aristotelianism of the traditional Aquinas
wing of the Church in favor of Platonism and even "New Age" concepts of
life and logic.  Raises the possibility (in the minds of conspiriologists)
that the Church may be covertly much less disturbed by "New Age" trends
than it often lets on.


Tragedy and Hope:  A History of the World in Our Time by Carroll Quigley,
1960 Hardcover, 0000 pages, Order #11483 $39.95

This book hit the American Right like a bombshell at the end of the 1960's
when Birchers such as Gary Allen, Cleon Skousen, and G. Edward Griffin
began to tout it and its ideas of a "Capitalist Conspiracy" above the
"Communist Conspiracy".  Oddly, the Birchers down played the Anglophile,
British Empire, British Royal Family pro-Vatican implications of Quigley
and concentrated on his mention of the International Bankers and their
manipulation of Communism.  Quigley claimed to have had access to CFR
papers during part of his career and, thus, he was touted as an "Insider"
who defected.  A more careful study of his work and his career revealed
that he was an Irish Catholic and an insider at the Pope's Georgetown
Jesuit University where his book had been required reading for many years!
Far from breaking new ground, much of his work is simply and up-dating and
scholarization of the traditionalist Catholic conspiracy theories of
Fathers Fahey and Couglin.


Weapons Systems and Political Stability:  A History by Carroll Quigley,
1983 Paperback, 1043 pages, Order #11996 $55.00

When Carroll Quigley died he was gathering information and writing drafts
of a book designed to show that political forms were a product of current
weapons technology, ie. easy to use weapons like a hand gun lead to
democracy and individualism while difficult to use weapons requiring
professional expertise such as armor, swords, etc. lead to a tightly knit
professional soldiery surrounding despots.  His students put his notes
together in this xerox form...We also have a xerox of a fairly negative
review of this book from the 1984 American Historical Review...$5.00
Note:  Does Quigley's theory project that we are heading for ever
increasing tyranny as weapons technology increases in complexity??

Purchase Books On-Line by Credit Card:

    http://a-albionic.com/merchform.html

Or, email [EMAIL PROTECTED] for more information
about ordering and delivery.

****************************************************
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Ferndale, MI 48220), a ruling class/conspiracy research resource for the
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Lloyd Miller, Research Director for A-albionic Research (POB 20273,
Ferndale, MI 48220), a ruling class/conspiracy research resource for the
entire political-ideological spectrum.  On-Line Journal, book sales,
rare/out-of-print searches, New Paradigms Discussion List, Weekly Up-date
Lists & E-text Archive of research, intelligence, catalogs, & resources.
 To Discuss Ideas:
  mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]      http://msen.com/~lloyd/
  For Ordering Info & Free Catalog:
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