TRICKY DICK: I AM NOT A CROOK!

CEO Cheney: "Pass GO! Collect $20,000,000.00!"

"Bush-Cheney is the arms industry's dream team. Bush tried to give
Lockheed Martin a contract to run the Texas welfare system. Lockheed
Martin VP Bruce Jackson, a finance chair of the Bush for President
campaign, was heard to brag at a conference last year that he would be
in a position to 'write the Republican platform' on defense. Under
Cheney, Halliburton went from 73rd to 18th on the Pentagon's top
contractors list.  Cheney's wife, Lynne, serves on Lockheed Martin's
board, a service for which she receives $120,000 in compensation."

--WILLIAM HARTUNG, Senior research fellow at the
World Policy Institute and author of the recent report
"Lockheed Martin and the GOP: Profiteering and Pork
Barrel Politics with a Purpose," [EMAIL PROTECTED],
<A HREF="http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/">
http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/</A>
----------
Cheney's Multi-Million Dollar Revolving Door
As Bush Sr.'s secretary of defense, Dick Cheney steered
millions of dollars in government business to a private
military contractor -- whose parent company just happened
to give him a high-paying job after he left the government.

--by Robert Bryce
August 2, 2000
Ever since George W. Bush named him as a running
mate, Dick Cheney has been all smiles. And why not?

Cheney has led a charmed life. His political career
included stints in the White House, Congress and the
Defense Department. Then he went into the private
sector and got rich.

But just how Cheney got rich deserves some scrutiny. As
secretary of defense, Cheney oversaw one of the largest
privatization efforts in the history of the Pentagon,
steering millions of military dollars to civilian contractors.

Two and a half years after Cheney left his federal job, he
began cashing in on the very contracts that he helped
initiate.

In 1992, the Pentagon, then under Cheney's direction,
paid Texas-based Brown & Root Services $3.9 million to
produce a classified report detailing how private
companies -- like itself -- could help provide logistics for
American troops in potential war zones around the world.

BRS specializes in such work; from 1962 to 1972, for
instance, the company worked in the former South
Vietnam building roads, landing strips, harbors, and
military bases. Later in 1992, the Pentagon gave the
company an additional $5 million to update its report.

That same year, BRS won a massive, five-year logistics
contract from the US Army Corps of Engineers to work
alongside American GIs in places like Zaire, Haiti,
Somalia, Kosovo, the Balkans, and Saudi Arabia.

After Bill Clinton's election cost Cheney his government job, he
wound up in 1995 as CEO of Halliburton Company, the
Dallas-based oil services giant -- which just happens to own
Brown & Root Services. Since then, Cheney has collected more
than $10 million in salary and stock payments from the
company. In addition, he is currently the company's
largest individual shareholder, holding stock and options
worth another $40 million. Those holdings have
undoubtedly been made more valuable by the ever-more
lucrative contracts BRS continues to score with the Pentagon.

Between 1992 and 1999, the Pentagon paid BRS more
than $1.2 billion for its work in trouble spots around the
globe. In May of 1999, the US Army Corps of Engineers
re-enlisted the company's help in the Balkans, giving it a
new five-year contract worth $731 million.

To critics, this all adds up to classic revolving-door
politics: Cheney's work for Halliburton, they say, has
allowed him to improperly profit off of actions he took
and contacts he made while in government.

"Over the years, we've tried to slow the revolving door to
make sure decision makers don't benefit from decisions
they make while they are in office," said Tom Smith, the
Texas state director of Public Citizen, a non-profit
consumer group. "You have to question whose interests
Cheney is looking after, and whether privatization has
really benefited the Department of Defense, or the
defense contractors like Brown & Root."

Although the US military has long relied on contractors
for various services, the issue for some observers is the
possibility that Cheney used his contacts within
government to enrich himself. "We are talking about
nepotism of the highest order and profiteering at the
expense of the US taxpayers," says Pratap Chatterjee, a
radio journalist who has followed Halliburton for several years.

Chatterjee points out that BRS gets a one percent profit
guarantee on their logistics contracts and that in Somalia,
the company was given another eight percentage points
for meeting various incentive clauses in their contract.

"Compare that with average corporate profit percentages,
which are about three percent," he said.

Moreover, while there are advantages to using private
companies to do soldiers' work, BRS has run into
significant criticism for the way it has carried out some of
its military missions.

The company has drawn praise for allowing more American
soldiers to carry M-16's instead of spatulas. "It doesn't take a
soldier to do what Brown & Root does for the Army," explains Jan
Finegan, a spokesperson for the Army Materiel Command, who
points out that the active-duty force of the US military has
declined by about 25 percent over the past decade. Hiring a
private contractor to take out the garbage, do the laundry and take
care of the dining halls "frees soldiers up to do what they are
trained to do," she said.

BRS also saves money by hiring local workers whenever
possible. But that doesn't always turn out happily. In
1994, at the end of its engagement in Somalia, where
American troops had attempted to quell endemic civil
strife, BRS dismissed the Somali workers it had hired.

The disenchanted workers then staged a protest at the
United Nations compound in Mogadishu, until they were
scattered by UN troops armed with batons and tear gas.

Three people were reportedly injured in the melee.

In 1996, in Hungary, where BRS had set up shop to
support American troops stationed in the former
Yugoslavia, the company ran into more controversy.

Shortly after American forces moved in, Hungarian
officials ruled that BRS was subject to the country's
value-added tax, and that company employees were
subject to Hungarian income tax, just like any other
private corporation. The Pentagon, however, insisted that
the company was part of the American military and
therefore exempt from the tax. Ultimately, BRS did pay
the Hungarian government $18 million in taxes -- for
which it was reimbursed by the US government. The
company was also accused of sexual harassment by
several female workers who claimed that BRS employees
had fondled and propositioned them.

Nonetheless, BRS, which has 20,000 employees
worldwide, continues to pull in major government deals.

The company recently won a $100 million contract from
the US State Department to upgrade security at its
embassies. It also holds a long-term contract with the
British military to operate the Devonport Royal Naval
Dockyard, the UK's sole refitting and refueling location
for nuclear powered submarines.

Nine years ago, Dick Cheney was overseeing the
military's performance in the Gulf War. Since then, he
has made millions running a business that provides
services to that same military. That business, incidentally,
has contributed a quarter-million dollars to the Republican
cause so far this election cycle. And now, Cheney and
Bush are the odds-on favorites to take the White House.

Is this politics as usual? Or is it business as usual? In
Cheney's case, it's difficult to tell the difference.

[article was accessed at:

<A HREF="http://mojones.com/news_wire/cheney.html">
"http://mojones.com/news_wire/cheney.html"]</A>
----------
"Whenever I took that helicopter ride from Andrews Air Force Base to
the Pentagon, we always flew over Arlington National Cemetery, and I
always thought to myself, 'Boy, I'm glad I got those five deferments,
or one of those gravestones might have been mine.'"

--Poignant words from Cheney
----------

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