The Ghost of Vietnam Haunts 'Plan Colombia'
By TAD SZULC

EXCERPTS:

Most Americans seem to have no idea that Plan Colombia threatens to suck
the United States into the longest and most brutal civil war in the
Western Hemisphere, which has lasted on and off for 160 years.  It has
never been explained to them, just like Vietnam was never explained at
the outset.
...
A complicating factor is that a half-dozen guerrilla wars or conflicts
are currently underway in Colombia, making it difficult for McCaffrey to
decide whom and where to hit.  The most important guerrilla group is the
FARC (Spanish acronym for Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), whose
15,000 troops occupy the southern departments of Putumayo and Caqueta,
an area the size of Switzerland, and function as a virtually independent
coca-rich state.  The FARC's ranks have swelled since the U.S. launched
Plan Colombia.  The counterinsurgency battalions will have a tough time
with the Marxist-Leninist force, as will their U.S. advisors.  The
Vietnam-era question of how many Americans will be needed to overwhelm
the guerrillas will surely arise.
...
It does not require much imagination to conclude that Plan Colombia, as
most informed
Colombians know, is simply unfeasible.  In Brasilia last week, Secretary
of State Madeleine K. Albright, on a mission to sell the plan in Latin
America, was told that Brazil would have no part of it.  Most other
Latin American governments feel the same way, leaving Washington
isolated in its undertaking.

Perhaps the greatest threat and tragedy facing the U.S. in its Colombian
venture is that the plan was developed by men and women who know little
of Colombia's history, culture and politics.  This, too, is reminiscent
of Vietnam, where President John F. Kennedy engaged the U.S. without
consulting the handful of officials who actually knew something about
Hanoi, Dien Bien Phu, Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Cong.
...
===========================================
The Ghost of Vietnam Haunts 'Plan Colombia'
By TAD SZULC

Tad Szulc Has Written Extensively About International Politics and
Foreign Policy

Sunday, August 20, 2000
Copyright 2000 Los Angeles Times
http://www.latimes.com/print/opinion/20000820/t000078189.html

WASHINGTON -- As in Vietnam nearly 40 years ago, the United States has
embarked on the phantasmagoric enterprise of destroying the countryside
of Colombia in order, supposedly, to save it.

In the 1960s, the mission was called "Search and Destroy." Today, it's
Plan Colombia, the objective of which is to eradicate cocaine drug
lords, leftist and rightist guerrillas, right-wing paramilitary
vigilantes, thugs and thousands in between.  In Vietnam, the enemy was
identified as communists.  In Colombia, everyone seems to be a
potential enemy.

Congress quietly approved U.S. armed intervention in Colombia last
month, complete with at least 60 Black Hawk and Huey-2 helicopter
gunships with U.S. crews.  U.S. Army Special Forces are already training
two Colombian battalions in counterinsurgency.  President Bill Clinton
is expected to endorse the mission Aug. 30 on a one-day visit to
Colombia.

Most Americans seem to have no idea that Plan Colombia threatens to suck
the United States into the longest and most brutal civil war in the
Western Hemisphere, which has lasted on and off for 160 years.  It has
never been explained to them, just like Vietnam was never explained at
the outset.

In another ghastly reminder of Vietnam, the administration has persuaded
Colombia to develop a powerful biological herbicide against coca and
heroin poppy fields. It is a fungus known as fusarium oxysporum, derived
from the coca plant.  Washington's idea is to spread it across hundreds
of thousands of acres cultivated for poppies.  Nobody appears to know
the impact of this fungus on humans, which evokes memories of the Agent
Orange defoliant in Vietnam that killed and maimed the Viet Cong and
Americans alike.

Plan Colombia is the result of the administration's festering
frustration over its
continuing inability to stem the huge flow of cocaine and heroine
produced in Colombia, notwithstanding billions of dollars spent over the
years on interdiction and for what passed for cooperation with Colombian
authorities.  The plan's chief author is the White House drug czar, Gen.
Barry M. McCaffrey, former head of the U.S. Southern Command. Congress
allocated $1.3 billion to put it into action.

To the extent that it can be understood, the plan calls for the
elimination of the guerrillas, no matter their allegiance, who guard the
fields, so small aircraft can safely spray the fungus over the poppy
plantations.  This task is to be carried out by U.S.-trained Colombian
counterinsurgency battalions ferried to the poppy fields by U.S.
helicopters.  Nothing has been said about what would happen should a
U.S. chopper be shot down and members of its crew killed or injured.

A complicating factor is that a half-dozen guerrilla wars or conflicts
are currently underway in Colombia, making it difficult for McCaffrey to
decide whom and where to hit.  The most important guerrilla group is the
FARC (Spanish acronym for Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), whose
15,000 troops occupy the southern departments of Putumayo and Caqueta,
an area the size of Switzerland, and function as a virtually independent
coca-rich state.  The FARC's ranks have swelled since the U.S. launched
Plan Colombia.  The counterinsurgency battalions will have a tough time
with the Marxist-Leninist force, as will their U.S. advisors.  The
Vietnam-era question of how many Americans will be needed to overwhelm
the guerrillas will surely arise.

In the north, the ELN (National Liberation Army), a more politically
moderate organization, controls its own smaller "mini-country," equally
wealthy in coca.  It has no more than 5,000 fighters.

Then there are right-wing paramilitary units at war with the guerrillas
and local peasants.  These units have a frightening human-rights record,
but so do the guerrillas.  Hardly a day passes in Colombia without
dozens slaughtered on all sides. The Colombian army and police have been
accused of working quietly with the paramilitary squads, but under Plan
Colombia, they are to ensure peace and probity.

It does not require much imagination to conclude that Plan Colombia, as
most informed
Colombians know, is simply unfeasible.  In Brasilia last week, Secretary
of State Madeleine K. Albright, on a mission to sell the plan in Latin
America, was told that Brazil would have no part of it.  Most other
Latin American governments feel the same way, leaving Washington
isolated in its undertaking.

Perhaps the greatest threat and tragedy facing the U.S. in its Colombian
venture is that the plan was developed by men and women who know little
of Colombia's history, culture and politics.  This, too, is reminiscent
of Vietnam, where President John F. Kennedy engaged the U.S. without
consulting the handful of officials who actually knew something about
Hanoi, Dien Bien Phu, Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Cong.

The shakiness of U.S. knowledge of Colombian history is best illustrated
by the widely repeated falsehood that the civil war there has been going
on for 40 years.  Actually, the first great civil war that would define
subsequent ones erupted between
the Liberals and the Conservatives in 1840, 21 years after Simon Bolivar
won Colombia's independence from Spain.  These wars never really
stopped, and a key milestone were the savage riots in Bogota, the
capital, in 1948, when the leftist
liberal presidential candidate Jorge Eliecer Gaitan was murdered.

The civil war -- the violencia -- continued after 1948, leading to
military coups, a restoration of formal democracy and the emergence of
large guerrilla forces.  What's left of that democracy today is in
tatters, and Plan Colombia will clearly not rescue it.  It is difficult
to "save" a nation about whose history and identity our top Washington
policymakers know so little.

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