from" http://www.newsmakingnews.com/archive7,24,00,7,29,00.htm Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.newsmakingnews.com/archive7,24,00,7,29,00.htm">http</A> ----- CHENEY'S HALLIBURTON (ROOT & BROWN) THING LEADS DIRECTLY TO THE KENNEDY ASSASSINATION. After serving as Secretary of Defense for President Bush, Cheney reaped the financial rewards of the revolving money door between the military and industry. Cheney became a member of the board of directors of Morgan Stanley. the Union Pacific Corp., Procter & Gamble Co. and Electronic Data Systems Corp. But, most important, in 1995 Cheney became the CEO of Halliburton (owner of Brown and Root) (Click.) Cheney, the chairman of the board, holds a $45.5 million stake as Halliburton's biggest individual stockholder. Brown and Root reaped multi-millions from the Bosnia war. (Click. ) In 1998 Richard Cheney got the idea that Halliburton should purchase Dresser Industries, for $8.1 billion (creating the world's largest oil-drilling services company) while on a quail hunt with Dresser chair Bill Bradford. Dresser and Halliburton merged. Dresser Industries was owned and operated by Brown Brothers Harriman. Prescott Bush (George H.W.'s father) was a partner of Brown Brothers and on the board of Dresser for decades until he became a U.S. Senator. CHENEY'S FIRM HALLIBURTON AND BROWN & ROOT FINANCED, (IN PART) PERMINDEX, THE CORPORATE FRONT, WHICH OPERATED THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY . PERMINDEX was a corporate front, headed by Major Louis M. Bloomfield of Canada. Clay Shaw operated a division of PERMINDEX in New Orleans at the International Trade Mart. The connections between Clay Shaw, David Ferrie and Lee Harvey Oswald have, at this time, been proven by documentary and photographic evidence, despite myriad attempts to discredit the Garrison investigation. Halliburton was one of the financiers of PERMINDEX. George and Herman Brown of Brown and Root were also financiers. Halliburton acquired Brown and Root after 1963. In the Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal (Click to read the entire document), William Torbitt, states: The principal financiers of Permindex were a number of U. S. oil companies, H. L. Hunt of Dallas, Clint Murchison of Dallas, John DeMenil, Solidarist director of Houston, John Connally as executor of the Sid Richardson estate, H aliburton Oil Co., Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, Troy Post of Dallas, Lloyd Cobb of New Orleans, Dr. Oschner of New Orleans, George and Herman Brown of Brown and Root, Houston, Attorney Roy M. Cohn, Chairman of the Board for Lionel Corporation, New York City, Schenley Industries of New York City, Walter Dohrnberger, ex-Nazi General and his company, Bell Aerospace, Pan American World Airways, its subsidiary, Intercontinental Hotel Corporation, Paul Raigorodsky of Dallas through his company, Claiborne Oil of New Orleans, Credit Suisse of Canada, Heineken's Brewery of Canada and a host of other munition makers and NASA contractors directed by the Defense Industrial Security Command. PERMINDEX was the operator of death squads in Europe, Mexico, Central American, the Caribbean and the United States. The persons and corporations who worked with PERMINDEX took over the government of the United States of America on November 22, 1963. The perpetrators have never been brought to justice, and now Halliburton, a Permindex backer, thus and financer of the ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY, has one of its own, Dick Cheney, trying to be the Vice President of the United States. Picture of the motorcade at Dealy Plaza. When a President's head is blown off in the streets, and the Department of Justice, FBI, military intelligence and the government can't solve the case, Justice is dead in the streets of America. The assassination team and their progeny and selected puppets control America. (For more information about the assassination teams, PERMINDEX and the fascist behind them, see "The Nazi Connections to the Assassination of John F. Kennedy" by Mae Brussell. Click.) ------------------------------------------------------------------------ THE BUSH FAMILY LINKS TO HALLIBURTON, ROOT & BROWN AND PERMINDEX. Researchers of the JFK assassination have tried since 1963 to determine if George H.W. Bush had any intelligence role in November 1993. Efforts to conclusively prove that George H. W. Bush was a CIA agent at that time have been futile. Efforts to conclusively prove that he was directly involved with the Cuban exiles have also been futile. This is so, despite the close proximity of the Zapata oil platform to Cuba and the naming of boats for the Bay of Pigs invasion, notably the "Barbara." However, the financial and corporate structures which have financed George H.W. Bush and now his son, can be conclusively proven by documents. The following article by Linda Minor is an analysis of these financial and corporate roots of the Bush family political and financial fortune. Note how these roots lead to the Harrimans, British Intelligence (right-wing variety) and to Halliburton and Brown and Root, thus to PERMINDEX. THE DEEP POLITICS OF THE BUSH FAMILY POLITICAL EMPIRE. by Linda Minor � 2000 Who were the clients of Brown Brothers Harriman when Prescott Bush and his wife's father, George H. Walker, worked for them? It was these investors who funded George H.W. Walker's campaigns. His biggest contributors were his uncle Herbie Walker, formerly of St. Louis, and Eugene Meyer, whose father spent his entire career working for a competing investment bank--Lazard Freres--or Lazard Brothers, as it was called in London. The Bush family ties to the Lairds and Lords of Scotland and England. Lazard Brothers was controlled by officials in the British government. It was always the investment bank of David Rockefeller. And, besides Meyer and Walker, George Bush's other large investor in Bush-Overbey was British Assets Trust, Ltd., an investment company whose directors interlocked with the management of companies associated with Lord Kindersley, such as Hudson's Bay Company. The chairman of British Assets Trust in 1956 was J.G.S. Gammell in Edinburgh, Scotland, and in 1985 by J.C.R. Inglis, a partner in Shepherd & Wedderburn, WS, an Edinburgh law firm. Inglis was also a director of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group, Scottish Provident Institution for Mutual Life Assurance, Edinburgh American Assets Trust and Atlantic Assets Trust, as well as chairman of European Assets, N.V., Gammell also had served as director of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group, as did such other notables as The Right Hon. Lord Balfour of Burleigh, The Right Hon. Lord Clydesmuir and The Right Hon. Lord Polwarth. Polwarth, incidentally, began serving as a director of the Halliburton Company, parent of Brown & Root, in 1974. The Bush family continued to amass its fortune an power from the British and Scottish sources named above, as these sources introduced their financial tentacles into Texas, and as George H.W. Bush and Barbara drove that old red Studebaker into Houston. Has anything changed? Do the same people run the selection of Dick Cheney as Vice President today? Will their scion, that old Skull & Bonesman, George W. be annointed? The PERMINDEX connection to the Bush power moves. Paravicini Bank and Permindex In the same year that Zapata and Pennzoil were moving toward hostile takeovers, a new Swiss bank opened in Houston with J. Hugh Liedtke and George Bush's securities adviser, W.S. Farish III, among the directors. Called "Bank for Investment and Credit Berne" (BICB), its stock was owned by Capital National Bank and Paravicini Bank, but investors included Seagrams, Boeing, Minute Maid in Zurich, the London subsidiary of Brown and Root and the Schlesinger Organization of London and Johannesburg. These investors are more than interesting in light of the fact that Paravicini is a descendant of the Venetian Pallavicini family, whose attorney in Rome, Carlo d'Amelio, was the general counsel to Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC), the Italian arm of Permindex. CMC was incorporated in Berne Switzerland, and D' Amelio sat on the board of directors during the time that Seagrams' attorney, Louis Mortimer Bloomfield of Montreal, was chairman of Permindex. When the role of CMC in the attempted assassination of President DeGaulle of France was discovered, it fled Europe and re-emerged in Johannesburg, South Africa. However, the parent company, Permindex, continued to be managed from Montreal by Bloomfield. Clay Shaw, the man prosecuted in New Orleans by Jim Garrison for his role in the Kennedy assassination, was also a board member of CMC, with which his International Trade Mart had connections. According to a 1970 report called "The Torbitt Document," (Click to read the entire document), William Torbitt, states: "...a compilation of information gathered by a Texas attorney from "court-approved and documented evidence" from sources in the U.S. Customs Department and the Narcotics Bureau, from the Warren Commission and the Garrison investigations, Bloomfield's Permindex Corp. supervised five subsidiary groups: (1) "White Russian" organization called the Solidarists--members Ferenc Nagy of Dallas (former Hungarian premier) and Jean De Menil of Houston (head of Schlumberger); (Click to read about Schlumberger, David Atlee Philips, Clay Shaw and the CIA.) (2) American Council of Churches--H.L. Hunt organization; (3) Free Cuba Committee--Carlos Prio Soccaras (Cuban ex-president); (4) "The Syndicate"--Clifford Jones and Bobby Baker working with Joe Bonanno Mafia family; (5) NASA's Security Division--Werner Von Braun, headquarters in Redstone Arsenal in Muscle Shoals, Alabama and on East Broad Street in Columbus, Ohio. The Kennedy assassination was planned and carried out by Division Five of the FBI, which acted in conjunction with the Defense Intelligence Agency under the control of the Joint Chiefs. These divisions had a highly secret police agency called the Defense Industrial Security Command, which also worked with NASA, the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), USIA and weapons and ammunition supply corporations (munitions makers) which contract with those agencies. The police force originated in the 1930's to work for the Tennessee Valley Authority, then expanded to the AEC, tying it in with army intelligence. Agents of this force included Clay Shaw, Guy Bannister, David Ferrie, Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby and others, and was headed up by Bloomfield. According to the Torbitt report: The principal financiers of Permindex were a number of U.S. oil companies, H.L. Hunt, Clint Murchison, John De Menil, Solidarist director of Houston, John Connally, as executor of Sid Richardson estate, Haliburton [sic] Oil Co., Sen. Robert Kerr of Okla., Troy Post of Dallas, Lloyd Cobb of New Orleans, Dr. Oechner of New Orleans, George and Herman Brown of Brown & Root, Attorney Roy M. Cohn, Chairman of the Board for Lionel Corp., New York City, Schenley Industries of New York City, Walter Dornberger, ex-Nazi general and his company, Bell Aerospace, Pan American World Airways and its subsidiary, Intercontinental Hotel Corp., Paul Raigorodsky of Claiborne Oil of New Orleans, Credit Suisse of Canada, and Heineken's Brewery of Canada and a host of other munitions makers and NASA contractors directed by the Defense Industrial Security Command. PERMINDEX AND SEAGRAMS USED THE SAME INVESTORS THE BUSH FAMILY USED. Roy Cohn was a very close friend of Lewis Rosenstiel, who was in turn a friend of Sam Bronfman. Bloomfield was also president of Heineken of Canada. What these companies seem to have in common is their shareholders, directors and financiers. They are the same persons who invested in Bush-Overbey, Zapata and Dresser Industries through the investment trusts they controlled. The 1992 edition of Dope, Inc. (a LaRouche publication) has this to say about the banks involved: Both Seagram's (and its old Prohibition rum-running partner, Hudson's Bay) are interlocked through a maze of contacts with all five of the big Canadian chartered banks: the Bank of Montreal, the Royal Bank of Canada, the Bank of Nova Scotia, the Toronto Dominion Bank, and the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce. Thus, the dirty money gleaned from the drug trade is conduited through these banks to points further south: The banks' offshore centers in the Caribbean, and from there the money makes its whirlpool round of worldwide laundering. The chairman of this Houston-based international investment bank, BICB, whose investors included Seagrams and the Schlesinger mining interests in South Africa, was Johan F. (Fred) Paravicini. Vice-chairman was L.F. McCollum, Sr.-a long-time Humble Oil employee, who headed Conoco and founded Capital National Bank of Houston in 1965. The bank's president was Baker Lovett, cousin of James A. Baker III, and grandson of the first president of Rice University, Odell Lovett, a friend of Woodrow Wilson at Princeton. In an interview with the Houston Post, Baker stated that his experience of 15 years in banking indicated that Houston had a relatively short supply of money, and that venture capital had to come from New England-from "more mature economies." He believed a bank "should dedicate a portion of its resources to relatively risky situations because it's those which sometimes really pay off." As the 1980s showed, however, it was also that type of investment that resulted in the bailout of the savings and loan industry. In addition to its investment in the BICB set up by Conoco's chairman, Seagrams also owned a great deal of stock in Conoco and caused a major eruption with DuPont in 1981 over who would control the company. Seagrams was interested in Conoco because it owned a 53% interest in Hudson's Bay Oil and Gas Co. in Canada. Since it had recently received $2.3 billion cash profit from the sale of Sunoco stock, with which it had tried and failed to purchase control of DuPont's St. Joe Minerals, the Scottish-financed liquor barons at Seagrams saw another chance to grab something prized by the New Englanders-control of Conoco. In 1969 W.S. Farish III was 31 years old and was a partner in the investment companies of Underwood Neuhaus and W.S. Farish & Co., through which he handled millions of dollars of his family's wealth in addition to George Bush's blind trust. Farish was also serving as president of a company called Fluorex, an international mineral and exploration company, and in 1973 also became a director of Houston Natural Gas. He was the only grandson of one of the founders of Humble Oil, W.S. Farish, Sr., who had been chairman of Standard Oil of New Jersey prior to World War II. W.A. Harriman & Co. helped Jersey Standard finance a merger with I.G. Farben, the German chemical corporation which manufactured the gas used to exterminate so many Jews. Lehman Brothers, which had an office in Capital National Bank's building at 1300 Main-on the same floor, incidentally, as George Bush's friend (and later, Commerce Secretary, Robert Mosbacher), was represented on the board of the Capital National and its international investment branch. One director was Lehman Brothers partner, John B. Carter, Jr., and another was director I.H. "Denny" Kempner III, heir to the Imperial Sugar fortune, whose brother was a Lehman representative in Houston. The Kempner brothers' mother was Mary Carroll Kempner, a granddaughter of W.T. Carter and sister of W.T. Carter, Jr., whose wife was Lillie Neuhaus, making them first cousins of Victor J. Carter. Lillie was a niece of C.L. Neuhaus and W. Oscar Neuhaus, the founders of Neuhaus & Co. (later Underwood Neuhaus). Oscar's son, Hugo, married Kate Rice, Libbie Farish's cousin, and after W.S. and Libbie's son died in 1943, their daughter-in-law, Mary Wood Farish, married Kate Neuhaus' son. The Oscar Neuhaus who became trustee for the wealthy Cullen family and secretary of a joint venture between Dresser and Cullen interests, was a key member of the Neuhaus/Farish banking interests-which thus had control of Cullen/Dresser real estate matters in downtown Houston. This relationship resulted in the construction of a complex of office buildings in the southwest part of downtown leased to Dresser, Cullen/Frost Bank, Enron, Oppenheimer & Co. and assorted other interesting companies. The Carter family also were investment bankers in Houston. Still another director of Capital Bank was Bill Barziza, a descendant of Decimus et Ultimus Barziza, founder of Houston Land & Trust, which has since merged into First International Bank. This ancestor was the son of a Venetian count and French-Canadian mother, born in Williamsburg, Virginia, who, during the Civil War, had been captured at Gettysburg and smuggled through the Confederate underground to Canada where he was returned to Houston via the blockade route through Bermuda. The decision to form a partnership with Paravicini may have also been influenced by another Lehman representative-William Mellon Hitchcock--grandson of William Larimer Mellon, founder of Gulf Oil, and nephew of banker Andrew Mellon. Bush's partners in Zapata were the sons of William Liedtke, Sr.-one of the "highest ranking lawyers in Gulf Oil Corp." Billy Mellon Hitchcock worked from 1961 to 1967 for "his father's mentor," Bobby Lehman of Lehman Brothers in Manhattan. Fred Paravicini began an illegal trading relationship with Billy in 1965, for which they were not indicted until 1973-Hitchcock in February and Paravicini in June. Hitchcock pled guilty in April. He then appears to have disappeared from sight. What Hitchcock shows us is a classic fondi member, educated at Harvard, trained at Lazard Brothers during Lord Cowdray's tenure, who while vacationing in Venice, is recruited to work for CIA-connected investment bank with connections to the Bronfman family by a member of his father's polo team! How did he manage to get caught? These people never get caught. But what was never followed up on was how Hitchcock and Paravicini were connected to Conoco, Seagrams, Standard Oil, Brown & Root and the Schlesinger mines in Johannesburg. These connections lead straight to Permindex, the Bronfmans and to the Dallas oil men funding the JFK assassination. They also lead to George Bush through W.S. Farish-investor of his blind trust. The Pearson Group and Texas oil men. Although it has never been proven that Farish, Liedtke or George Bush had any background in intelligence operations before Bush was appointed director of the CIA by Gerald Ford in 1976, an inference can be made just by reviewing the associations that existed in the Texas oil community in the 1960s. Billy's training as an investment banker had taken place at the English branch of Lazard Freres, which has been shown to be closely tied to one of George Bush's original investors, Eugene Meyer, and to Everett DeGolyer, a Dresser director who had spent most of his career working for Sir Weetman Pearson (Viscount Cowdray). DeGolyer left his job at Amerada Petroleum in New York and moved to Dallas where he established a geological consulting firm called DeGolyer and MacNaughton and served from 1954 until his death in 1956 on the board of Dresser Industries in Dallas. He was replaced on the board by his partner, Lewis W. MacNaughton, who remained until 1969. Lewis MacNaughton was also a director of Empire Trust, a company whose largest single holding of stock was comprised of Loeb-Lehman, Bache and Bronfman holdings, in which Edgar Bronfman became a director in 1963. Edgar Bronfman, Sr. married the daughter of John L. Loeb (Loeb, Rhoades), who was himself married to a Lehman. A vice-president of Empire Trust in Dallas was Jack Crichton (also president of Nafco Oil & Gas, Inc.) who was connected with Army Reserve Intelligence. In a 1995 book written by Fabian Escalante, the chief of a Cuban counterintelligence unit during the late 1950s and early 1960s, he describes that as soon as intelligence was received from agents in Cuba that Fidel Castro had "converted to communism," a plan called "Operation 40" was put into effect by the National Security Council, presided over by Vice-President Richard Nixon. Escalante indicates that Nixon was the Cuban "case officer" who had assembled an important group of businessmen headed by George Bush and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for the operation. Nixon was a prot�g� of Bush's father Preston [sic] who in 1946 had supported Nixon's bid for Congress. In fact, Preston Bush was the campaign strategist that brought Eisenhower and Nixon to the presidency of the United States. With such patrons, [Tracy] Barnes was certain that failure was impossible. According to Peter Dale Scott, Crichton arranged for Marina Oswald to have Ilya Mamantov as her interpreter when she was questioned after Oswald's arrest. Mamantov also taught scientific Russian classes at Magnolia Oil Co. Lee and Marina Oswald first met the Paines at a party at the home of Richard Pierce and Everett Glover where practically all the guests worked for Magnolia Oil. The guests included a German named Volkmar Schmidt who came to Dallas in 1961 to do geological research at Magnolia's laboratories in nearby Duncanville. MacNaughton's personal accountant was George Bouhe, who also worked at the Tolstoy Foundation with Paul Raigorodsky-a man involved with the National Alliance of Solidarists. Bouhe was closely tied to George DeMohrenschildt, who later became famous as the White Russian assigned to "handle" Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas. It was DeMohrenschildt who had taken the Oswalds to a party where they met Volkmar Schmidt, and then a later party at the same house where they met Michael Paine. DeMohrenschildt was also the one in charge of getting Marina a place to stay at Ruth Paine's home, and it was Ruth Paine who found Oswald the job at the book depository office in the building owned by Jack Crichton's friend. DeMohrenschildt also was involved with the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia in Dallas which received subsidies from the Baird Foundation, which was determined to be a CIA conduit by the Patman House Select Committee hearings [cf. New York Times, March 5, 1967, p. 36]. DeMohrenschildt immigrated to the U.S. in 1938, having been involved in espionage with the OSS and probably with the Nazis. He had a doctorate in commerce from the University of Liege, Belgium, when he came to the United States at age 27 where his brother Dmitry was a professor at Dartmouth, having degrees from Columbia and Yale. While visiting his brother and American sister-in-law at Bellport, near East Hampton, on the eastern, ocean tip of Long Island, DeMohrenschildt met many influential people, including stockbroker Jack and Janet Bouvier (Jackie's parents). He was also a friend of Margaret Clark Williams, whose family had vast land holdings in Louisiana, who gave him a letter of introduction to Humble Oil. DeMohrenschildt came to Texas by bus "where he got a job with Humble Oil Company in Houston, thanks to family connections," and, "[d]espite being friends with the chairman of the board of Humble," he worked as a roughneck in the Louisiana oil fields. DeMohrenschildt came to Texas in 1944 and got a master's degree in petroleum geology at the University of Texas at Austin. For a time he worked overseas for the Murchisons' Three States Oil and Gas and for Pantipec, an oil company owned by William F. Buckley, Jr.'s father operated in Mexico at the same time Sir Weetman Pearson (later Viscount Cowdray) and DeGolyer were there running the Mexican Eagle. In fact, Buckley and his brother were the attorneys for the Mexican oil companies after their properties were taxed illegally by the Mexican government. According to William Engdahl, Pearson worked for British Secret Intelligence, "as did all other major British oil groups." They had financed and put in power the regime of General Victoriano Huerta, subsequently overthrown by President Woodrow Wilson, who was supporting the objectives of Standard Oil in attempting to take from Britain at least a portion of its concessions for half of Mexico's oil. The U.S. under Rockefeller cover sent money and arms to Carranza. Notes (The Deep Politics of the Bush Family Political Empire by Linda Minor � 2000): Pete Brewton, The Mafia, the CIA and George Bush, p. 137. Brewton's information came from two articles in the Houston Post-dated April 25, 1969 and January 11, 1970. The earlier article, naming the corporate investors in the new bank, had no by-line. Dope, Inc. (1992), p. 459. Dope , Inc., p. 256. The Royal Bank of Canada is said by the EIR writers of D ope, Inc. to be the dirtiest bank, followed closely by the Bank of Nova Scotia, of which Bronfman aide and Zionist, R.D. Wolfe, is a director. This bank is also involved in the financing of business in Jamaica tied to the arms trade, as well as being tied to the Canadian gold markets through an interlock with Noranda Mines. The gold exchange also serves as a means of payment for the illegal weapons trade. The Paracinis. The Paravicinis are the descendants, most likely, of Sir Horatio Pallavacino, who filled the post of Venetian ambassador to England -- which had been vacant for 50 years or so -- in 1603 when James VI of Scotland became James I of Great Britain. Pallavicino was the head of an intelligence service which "was at the disposal of Cecil, as, presumably, was his money." See David Cherry, The Found of Englands Civil Warres Discover'd, as cited in Al and Rachel Douglas's manuscript on Venice. The "more mature economies" he referred to in New England were those which began with the first life insurance company established in America in 1762 by the Presbyterian Ministers Fund. The managers brought in to oversee this fund were members of British banking families such as the Bevans of Barclays Bank-which was later to assimilate most of the country and colonial banks into its London bank. Through these family and social contacts, connections arose between the Canadian banks, Scottish banks, the Far East, South Africa, the Caribbean and New England. These same families also had strong ties to the Carolinas which was originally settled by a great number of Scottish emigrants who retained strong ties to the mother country. Another chapter will detail fondi control of this and other companies founded by John Henry Kirby-railroads, lumber, oil and banking interests financed by Brown Brothers of Baltimore and the Maryland Trust. This representative was James Carroll Kempner . See Harold M.Hyman, Oleander Odyssey, p. 217. It had been the tradition in the Kempner family for the sons to attend Harvard, then spend a year in Paris before coming back to Texas to help with the family business. Mary later married Lawrence Reed. Mary's aunt was Frankie Carter Randolph, who became the famous liberal Democrat who mentored Billie Carr in liberal Texas politics. Julius V. Neuhaus (Lillie Neuhaus Carter's brother) married Laura Boettcher, whose family brokerage company also came into the company in 1985 when Larry Johnson and Tom Masterson came into the company. The Mischer connections to George H. W. Bush. Connections can be shown between Larry Johnson, General Homes and Walter Mischer - a close friend and fund-raiser for George Bush-through an assortment of complicated corporate relationships. He was the founder of Houston Land & Trust Company, the first trust institution in the State of Texas. Marie Phelps McAshan, On the Corner of Main and Texas: A Houston Legacy (Houston: Gulf Publishing Co., 1985), p. 130; Marguerite Johnston, Houston, the Unknown City, 1836-1946 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1991), pp. 75 and 404fn. The name "Barziza" is similar in sound to "Barozzi," which was the name of one of the case vecchie that existed in Venice [Allen and Rachel Douglas, manuscript entitled "Venice: The Fondi.and related matters", p. 12] Thomas Petzinger, Jr., Oil & Honor: The Texaco-Pennzoil Wars (G. P. Putnam's Sons: New York), p. 36. Incidentally, Allen Dulles, before becoming director of the CIA, had been legal counsel to Gulf Oil for Latin American operations, as well as counsel to Prescott Bush at Brown Brothers Harriman. Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography (EIR: Washington, D.C., 1992), pp. 148-49). John McCloy also represented Gulf in 1975 when the scandal involving bribery and payoffs of elected officials occurred. Billy's father, Tommy Hitchcock, a Harvard graduate, had become a Lehman Brothers partner in 1937 but within two years became an air attach� in the U.S. Embassy and then a pilot in Carl Spaatz' Ninth Air Support Command, where he was chief of tactical research. His plane went down in 1944, when his twin sons, Billy and Tommy were only five. He had learned to fly during the First World War when he had served in the Lafayette Escadrille as a seventeen-year-old and had been caught behind German lines, escaped from a prison train and hobbled a hundred miles into Switzerland. The Hitchcocks were "gentry, a clan whose way of living 'depicted the English country life,'" in Aiken, South Carolina, where Billy spent his visits fox hunting and playing polo. According to Billy, his grandfather had gone to Oxford, and his great-grandfather had been financial editor of the New York Sun, married to a descendant of William Corcoran, an "eminent Georgetown financier." Billy and his brother attended boarding school in South Carolina, a place run like an English public school. In the mid-50s he got a job as a tool dresser on oil rigs in Pecos, Texas (which is a short distance from Midland where George Bush was living and working for a Dresser subsidiary), then at a refinery near Vienna, Austria. Billy had been at Harvard before Harvard professor Timothy Leary took his first LSD trip in 1960, but he met Leary in 1964 after Leary had returned from Mexico where he had been doing psychedelic research with Aldous Huxley. In fact, Billy rented his family country estate in New York to Leary to continue his drug experiments New York Times, June 8, 1973. Darwin Payne, Initiative in Energy: Dresser Industries, Inc.1880-1978 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979), pp. 232 and 388. DeGolyer's death was reported in a December 15, 1956 Houston Post article, which stated that he "shot himself to death Friday in his Dallas office. His death was ruled a suicide. No immediate reason for DeGolyer's act could be determined. However, DeGolyer's son, E.L. DeGolyer, Jr. said his father had been in ill health for seven years and for the last two years suffered from aplastic anemia, a disease similar to leukemia. He said his father required frequent blood transfusions, having had the most recent one about four weeks ago. DeGolyer had other difficulties, his son said, including an operation for a detached retina in 1949, which was not successful and left him without the sight of one eye." None of those facts answers the question of why, at that particular time, he chose to kill himself. He had endured all those trials for years and survived optimistically. In the year before DeGolyer died, two men began buying land in the area of town which is now the location of the Galleria Shopping Center. One was the son of Grover J. Geiselman, an independent oil man who officed at Suite 849 of the Houston Club Building, where both Farish and Bush were located during this time. Eventually Geiselman conveyed his half interest to the other buyer, J.S. Michael, who in 1961 deeded to the estate of E.L. DeGolyer for a nominal sum, indicating they may have been holding title for him all along. Further indication of this is the deed in 1969 to Stephen T. Cochran, Trustee, executed by both Geiselman, Jr. and J.S. Michael, as well as Nell DeGolyer and First National Bank in Dallas, Trustees for the estate, as well as the three daughters and their husbands. All were joint payees on one promissory note. This land ended up having frontage on either side of the West Loop, which was constructed through the tracts, which were purchased for a pittance from Italians who had owned the land for decades. DeGolyer's death is reminiscent of the death of Howard R. Hughes, Sr., which was reported in a Houston Post January 15, 1949 "Post Yesteryears 15 Years Ago" column. The article stated: "Howard R. Hughes, 54, millionaire Houston manufacturer, and a brother of Rupert Hughes, the novelist, died suddenly in his office at the Humble building yesterday. Born in Lancaster, Mo., Mr. Hughes graduated from Harvard university in 1897..As a young Harvard graduate, Mr. Hughes entered the oil industry in the Old Sour Lake field and almost immediately began inventing oil well tools. Oil men said that he, more than any other man in America, was responsible for revolutionizing the oil industry. In association with W.B. Sharp of Houston, the Sharp-Hughes Tool company was launched by Mr. Hughes, and on Mr. Sharp's retirement, the concern became the Hughes Tool company which is known wherever drillers operate." Stephen Birmingham, "Our Crowd": The Great Jewish Families of New York (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1967), pp. 444-445. Dick Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers/Richard Gallen, 1992), p. 615 and pp. 792-93 fn. 14. Crichton was also director of Dorchester Gas Producing Co. with D.H. Byrd, founder of the Temco Co. (later LTV), who owned the building to which the Texas School Book Depository had moved several months before Kennedy was killed. Fa bian Escalante, translated by Maxine Shaw, edited by Mirta Muniz, TheSecret War: CIA Covert Operations against Cuba 1959-62 (Melbourne, Victoria, Australia: Ocean Press, 1995), p. 42. See Peter Dale Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, chapter III, p. 37 (quoted in Bartholomew, p. 71). In Germany Schmidt had lived with Dr. Wilhelm Kuetemeyer, a professor of psychosomatic medicine at the University of Heidelberg. Kuetemeyer conducted experiments on schizophrenics. His work was interrupted when he became involved in the July 20 plot to kill Adolph Hitler. See Edward J. Epstein, Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978), pp. 203-05. Schmidt shared a room in the house with the Magnolia employees who gave the party at Schmidt's request where Oswald met Michael Paine. Schmidt was also studying Russian at Magnolia with Mamantov, who worked as a geologist for Sun Oil Co. Mamantov was acquainted also with George Bush, who wrote to Mamantov's wife after his death stating, "We did it!" See Dick Russell, The Man who Knew Too Much. See Peter Dale Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 66. Marrs, Crossfire, p. 278-9. Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation (New York: Thunder Mouth Press, 1993), p.190. Priscilla Johnson McMillan, Marina and Lee (Harper & Row, 1976), p. 216. Ibid., p. 219. Ibid. The quoted passage does not identify which of the Humble Oil founders was DeMohrenschildt's friend, but it is known that his UT roommate, Hines Baker did later become chairman of Humble Oil. McMillan revealed that DeMohrenschildt was also friendly with H. L. Hunt, Clint Murchison, John Mecom, Robert Kerr and Jean De Menil of Schlumberger. According to Jim Marrs' interviews with Jeanne DeMohrenschildt after her husband's death, George was making regular trips to Houston from Dallas during 1962-63 on oil business with Mecom and De Menil. George's Russian friends in the Tolstoy Foundation told Marrs that he was going to Houston to see George and Herman Brown (Crossfire, p. 282.) Peter Dale Scott, Crime and Cover-up, p. 34 Buckley Sr., a Texan, as an undergraduate lived in the same upper class dorm at the University of Texas at Austin where DeMohrenschildt, brothers Rex G. Baker and Hines Baker (who W.S. Farish, Sr. later hired as attorneys and top management for Humble Oil) lived when they were at UT. See Richard Bartholomew, Possible Discovery of an Automobile Used in the JFK Conspiracy (the Nash Rambler) --unpublished manuscript, pp. 63, 88-89. Engdahl, p. 72. The End. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ CHENEY'S CHINA THING. Cheney, chairman of Halliburton oil and former director of Morgan Stanley works hard for the money in China. Although Cheney is not an elected or appointed official, Cheney engaged in meetings with the People's Republic of China (PRC) to back down the Philippine government when it challenged Chinese military activity at Spratly Island. China operates a warship and submarine base in the Spratly Islands, which threatens the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and Japan's trade thoroughfares. Who gave Cheney the authority to enter into de facto negotiations with the PRC regarding its military installation affecting US security and US allies? John B. Judis, New Republic, 3/10/97 (Click ) reported: One such incident involving former Defense Secretary Cheney stirred the wrath of some of his fellow Republicans on Capitol Hill. In February 1995, the Chinese Navy entered the waters around the disputed Spratly Islands and erected structures on Mischief Reef, which is also claimed by the Philippines. Philippine President Fidel Ramos ordered the Philippine Navy to the area, and the Philippine ambassador complained to Washington. In March, Cheney, who had joined the board of directors of Morgan Stanley, visited China with representatives from the bank and secured meetings with high-ranking Chinese officials, including Defense Minister Chi Haotian. In Beijing on March 10, after three days of meetings, Cheney told Xinhua News Agency, "I do not really perceive any threat from China to the world or to the region." After leaving China, Cheney attended a business meeting in Singapore, where he made further public statements suggesting that he believed the Philippines had no cause for concern. According to Reuters, Chene y said he did not think China had embarked upon a "hostile course" in the area. Afterwards, one Republican China expert on Capitol Hill told me, "Cheney 's statement [on Mischief Reef] was very mischievous. Saying China is not a threat sent a message to Southeast Asian countries who were backing the Philippines that major parts of the U.S. establishment weren't going along." In the months after Cheney's visit, the People's Construction Bank of China, a joint venture between the government and Morgan Stanley, announced a major expansion of its services. Cheney's negotiations in China had a direct impact on a strategic military installation. The Pentagon Bush Cabal signaled that China's activities at Spratly were approved at the top level. Meanwhile, Congress was investigating agents of the PRC and American traitors who stole classified information. "The PRC has stolen classified information on all of the United States' most advanced thermonuclear warheads..." The Cox Committee Report, 1999. When American private companies engage in private military strategic negotiations, with the PRC--the US is not in control of "classified" strategy and decisions based on "classified" information. What "structures" did the PRC erect on Mischief Reef (claimed by the Philippines) near Spratly Islands? Perhaps, Cheney knows. President Bush served as Ambassador to China and opened the door for trade with the PRC. The Bush family does extensive business with China. Prescott S. Bush, Jr., of Prescott Bush Resources, Ltd. is the Chairman of the United States China Chamber of Commerce of Chicago, Illinois. (Click.) CHINA TOWN by John B. Judis � 2000, The New Republic 3/10/97 "Much of the American foreign policy establishment, including three former secretaries of state and other former senior officials of both parties, turned a collective thumbs down yesterday on the Clinton administration's policy of linking trade with China to Beijing's human rights performance," The Washington Post reported on March 16, 1994. Anyone who read the Post's account, which described a Council on Foreign Relations meeting chaired by former Secretaries of State Henry Kissinger, Cyrus Vance and Lawrence Eagleburger, would have come away knowing that a quorum of foreign policy luminaries had offered a grave indictment of U.S. China policy. What they wouldn't know was one particularly relevant fact about those luminaries: namely, that Kissinger, Vance and Eagleburger each have business ties to China. Kissinger is the founder of a firm, Kissinger Associates, which helps its corporate clients secure business in China; Vance is a corporate lawyer who chaperones clients seeking outlets in China; and Eagleburger, once the president of Kissinger Associates, now works for a Washington law firm where he has also helped businessmen secure contracts in China. Yet this gathering was not in the least unusual. Increasingly, many of our most distinguished and, in theory, disinterested, experts on U.S. China policy are selling their reputations and knowledge to clients with very particular business interests in China. Almost every prominent former government official who speaks out on this subject has direct or indirect financial ties to China. Most of them are Republicans, because a Republican administration first re- established ties with China in 1972, and because Republicans controlled the White House for most of the next twenty years. Besides Kissinger and Eagleburger, they include: former Secretaries of State Alexander Haig and George Shultz, former Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney, former National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft, former U.S. Trade Representatives Carla Hills and Bill Brock, and former Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker. But Democrats have also gotten in on the China game. Besides Vance, there is, for example, former Secretaries of State Edmund Muskie and Warren Christopher, former Ambassador to China Leonard Woodcock, former U.S. Trade Representative Robert Strauss and former Senator Gary Hart. Unlike the ex-officials who have lobbied for Japan and Japanese corporations, these former officials don't work directly for China or for Chinese businesses, and most have no personal investments in China. The relationship is more subtle and indirect. They are employed by, or serve as, lawyers, advisers or consultants to American companies that have invested, or want to invest, in China. Some, like Kissinger, Hills, Scowcroft and Haig, are high- priced consultants who run their own firms. Others, like Cheney, formerly a director of Morgan Stanley and now the chairman of Halliburton Oil, and Shultz, a director of Bechtel, work for the businesses they seek to help. And still others, like Vance and Howard Baker, are senior or managing partners in law firms that represent companies with an interest in China. What all of them have to offer is not so much knowledge of China as clout with its government-- clout based in part on the statements they have made about U.S. policy toward China. American businesses use these former officials to gain access to high Chinese officials who would otherwise be reluctant to entertain visits from businessmen or bankers. Explains Roger Sullivan, the former president of the National Council for U.S.-China Trade, "The Chinese have all the traditional views toward business. It's crass, lower-class. Higher-level officials don't like businessmen that much. You have to have someone else with you if you want to see them." James Lilley, who was ambassador to China in the Bush administration and is now a professor at the University of Maryland, concurs. "There is a standard procedure that, if you want to do business in China and get the contracts, you have to have someone to open doors, and people who were in prominent positions are often very good door openers." But having been friendly toward China while in office is not enough to guarantee access, even for the most exalted former officials. They must also be seen as ongoing friends and defenders of China's rulers. Explains Lilley, "If you want to deal in China, you will sing their tune. This can take a number of forms. It can take the form of bringing congressional visitors over, it can take the form of an op-ed piece in The New York Times, it can take the form of a speech, it can take the form of lobbying Congress. There are many, many ways you can influence things." The pressure to make favorable statements about China mounts as a visit nears, or as contracts are under consideration. Even when a delegation arrives, the Chinese will often keep them in suspense about how high-ranking an official they'll get to see. Says Sullivan, "It is always put to you that here is your schedule, and at such and such a date you are going to see a high-level official, but they won't tell you who it is going to be." When a former American official--whatever his motive--gives a speech denouncing those who want to tie trade with China to human rights, he is enhancing his ability to open doors at the highest levels in China. If he gives a speech denouncing Chinese policies, he is likely to find himself shunted off to the provinces, taking tea with some minor functionary. Scowcroft, too, defends China against its critics. Last year, he gave speeches and briefings on China and MFN at the Heritage Foundation for Republican House members. His Forum for International Policy faxed "issue briefs" on China to congressional offices. Some of these briefs seemed to betray the same sort of "blame America first" logic that old Leftists used to resort to when they spoke of the Soviet Union. In one, published on June 12 last year, Scowcroft and former Bush State Department official Arnold Kanter blamed the U.S. for Chinese sales of nuclear technology to Pakistan, arguing that "an accretion of non-proliferation legislation" had led us into strategic blunders. Though other members of the informal China lobby are more discreet than Kissinger, Haig and Scowcroft, they, too, get themselves into situations in which they appear to be abusing their roles as members of the foreign policy establishment. One such incident involving former Defense Secretary Cheney stirred the wrath of some of his fellow Republicans on Capitol Hill. In February 1995, the Chinese Navy entered the waters around the disputed Spratly Islands and erected structures on Mischief Reef, which is also claimed by the Philippines. Philippine President Fidel Ramos ordered the Philippine Navy to the area, and the Philippine ambassador complained to Washington. In March, Cheney, who had joined the board of directors of Morgan Stanley, visited China with representatives from the bank and secured meetings with high-ranking Chinese officials, including Defense Minister Chi Haotian. In Beijing on March 10, after three days of meetings, Cheney told Xinhua News Agency, "I do not really perceive any threat from China to the world or to the region." After leaving China, Cheney attended a business meeting in Singapore, where he made further public statements suggesting that he believed the Philippines had no cause for concern. According to Reuters, Chene y said he did not think China had embarked upon a "hostile course" in the area. Afterwards, one Republican China expert on Capitol Hill told me, "Cheney 's statement [on Mischief Reef] was very mischievous. Saying China is not a threat sent a message to Southeast Asian countries who were backing the Philippines that major parts of the U.S. establishment weren't going along." In the months after Cheney's visit, the People's Construction Bank of China, a joint venture between the government and Morgan Stanley, announced a major expansion of its services. Kissinger, Haig, Scowcroft, Cheney, Hills, Vance and Shultz stand atop a pyramid of numerous former officials who are involved in U.S. China policy and who share the same conflict of interest. Kanter and former NSC staff member Eric Melby work for Scowcroft. Former ustr official Erin Endean works for Carla Hills at Hills & Co. in Washington, D.C., where she advises firms about investing in China. In January 1996, former Clinton Commerce Department official David Rothkopf joined Kissinger Associates as its managing director. As Ron Brown's deputy undersecretary for international trade, Rothkopf had supervised Deputy Assistant Secretary John Huang. These lower-ranking officials don't have the same influence on Capitol Hill as Kissinger or Scowcroft, but they can function more plausibly as impartial experts, particularly for the media. The same reporters who would hesitate before quoting Kissinger or Haig as impartial experts on China are happy to rely on Rothkopf or Kanter. Last November, for example, Business Week blithely invoked Rothkopf's expert opinion about the "importance of cultivating the relationship with China." In August, Reuters, citing Rothkopf's opinion that China should be made "a full member of the global trading system," left out his affiliation with Kissinger Associates, identifying him only as a former Commerce Department official. Rothkopf or Kanter can argue that their opinions are independent of their employers, but the Chinese don't see it that way. The Chinese government closely monitors what researchers and policy wonks in this country say and write about China. One head of a policy group, who didn't want his name or organization revealed for fear of further reprisal, told me what happened when one of his researchers, writing in an obscure academic journal, described China's trade policy as "mercantilist." The Chinese Embassy in Washington immediately protested to the businesses that funded the policy group. Until now, the new China hands and their minions have had the best of both worlds. Not only have they gained contracts for their clients; they have shaped opinion in Washington, too. Says one aide to a Republican congressman, "They are respected voices on foreign affairs. Congress is especially susceptible to authoritative statements from Kissinger and Vance because so few members have any experience or knowledge about foreign affairs. Between [Richard] Armey, [Thomas] DeLay and [John] Boehner, you've got zero knowledge of foreign affairs." A Senate Republican aide who has advocated a harder line toward China told a similar story. "I can deal with the Motorolas of the world," he said. "The problem I have is the George Shultzes, where these guys show up and they are not directly on the payroll. You get overwhelmed as a staff guy. You get a discussion going, and then someone gets a call from Scowcroft and he is off the reservation again." And the work of the former officials nicely complements that of the corporate lobbyists. While the lobbyists appeal to the politicians' instincts for electoral survival, the former officials seem to offer an intellectual rationale for obeying those instincts. Explained one House aide, "I have been in meetings and heard members say that they have to vote for MFN, but they need some way to cover their own rear ends. That just tells me right there, they are not making the vote on any intellectual or moral grounds. They are making the vote because of their campaigns. The role of Scowcroft or Kissinger is to provide cover." But in the long run, the new China hands' success may prove to be the country's failure. Some of the policies they promote may have been justifiable on their merits. It made a certain sense for the Clinton administration not to base its trade negotiations on China's human rights record. But many of the former officials have not simply argued for pursuing negotiations on different tracks, but for virtually abandoning any effort to influence either China's highly protectionist trade policies--at the root of last year's record $39.5 billion deficit--or its support for tyranny at home and abroad. They identify the interests of American corporations abroad with the interests of Americans at home, many of whom could see their jobs shifted from Seattle to Shanghai. They overlook the fact that China could pose a far greater threat to international security than rogue states like North Korea or Iraq. And, as they did in Iran, they cast America's lot with an unpopular autocracy. Perhaps more important, the new China hands could have a corrosive effect on American democracy. In foreign policy debates, average Americans, as well as many of their political representatives, often defer to prominent former officials whom they believe speak disinterestedly for the national interest. When the public becomes aware that they are also speaking for the interests of their business clients, the cynicism about how important policy decisions are made will deepen. This, together with revelations about the Clinton Commerce Department and presidential campaign, and a growing anxiety about the role of money, especially foreign money, in American politics, could precipitate a crisis of political confidence as profound as that caused by Watergate. Those who understand what has happened to the foreign policy establishment can't conceal their concern. Says Lilley, "Who are the real objective observers? It's like Diogenes looking for an honest man. It is very, very hard to find one." (Copyright 1997, The New Republic.) ------------------------------------------------------------------------ The United States of America - China Chamber of Commerce 200 West Madison Street Suite 2000, Chicago, IL 60606 Tel: (312) 368-0430 Fax: (312) 368-0418 Email:[EMAIL PROTECTED] ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Board of Directors Chairman Prescott S. Bush, Jr. Prescott Bush Resources, Ltd ------------------------------------------------------------------------ CHENEY WOULD GIVE UP MILLIONS BY TAKING VP SPOT. By Jeremy Pelofsky � Updated 6:48 PM ET July 24, 2000 http://news.excite.com/news/r/000724/18/campaign-cheney-halliburton WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Dick Cheney would give up millions if he stepped down as head of the world's largest oil field service company to become Republican presidential candidate George W. Bush's vice presidential running mate. Cheney, 59, the CEO of Halliburton Co. and the head of Bush's search for a lieutenant, raked in $1.92 million last year plus stock options but would trade that in for a $181,400 salary if elected vice president this fall. Bush, the son of former President George Bush, has selected Cheney as his running mate and is expected to call him with the offer, senior Republican sources said late Monday. Cheney, who had previously told associates that he would accept the nomination if asked, served as defense secretary under former President Bush, earning $143,800 in 1992. The oil executive lives in Dallas, where Halliburton has its headquarters, but changed his voter registration Friday to his home state of Wyoming to clear a constitutional hurdle that makes it difficult for the president and vice president to be from the same state. Cheney was a congressman from Wyoming for 10 years. Halliburton paid him $1.28 million in salary and $640,914 in other compensation last year plus stock options worth $7.4 million to $18.8 million depending on the company's future stock performance, an examination of regulatory filings showed Monday. That's half what he made in 1998, when he hauled in $4.4 million plus stock options. "That would put his pay package at the high end, not the highest, which is probably appropriate for a company of that size," said Alan Johnson who runs Johnson & Associates, a compensation consulting firm in New York. "It's ... more than he would make as vice president." Halliburton provides equipment and other services to oil and natural gas companies for exploration and production. The company is no stranger to the Republican Party, giving almost $200,000 in the 1999-2000 campaign cycle. Cheney, who has been CEO of Halliburton since 1995 and recently took on the title of chairman, holds a $45.5 million stake as the company's biggest individual stockholder. The executive also holds $12.5 million worth of exercisable stock options and another $1 million in options that are not exercisable yet, according to company documents filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission. "His ability to open doors and have access to very senior people domestically and internationally has been exceptional," said Jim Wicklund, managing director of energy research at Dain Rauscher Wessels. In addition, Cheney serves on the board of directors for Union Pacific Corp., Procter & Gamble Co. and Electronic Data Systems Corp. RESIGN FROM HALLIBURTON? Cheney would likely resign from Halliburton if he were to run for the White House with Bush, one industry watcher said. "I think it would be more likely that he resign than take a leave of absence so that they don't have that interruption of service in the executive office," Wicklund said. "The problem would be is if he took a leave of absence, that would mean even if he lost, he would be out of commission for at least three months," he said. Halliburton has donated approximately $129,000 in soft money, or unlimited contributions to parties, to Republican organizations including $80,000 to the Republican National Committee, Federal Election Commission (FEC) records showed. Most of Halliburton's other contributions were to the National Republican Senatorial and Congressional committees. While the funds cannot go directly to candidates, the money is often used for party building events and advertisements on specific political issues. The company's political action committee also contributed $62,252 to candidates running for the U.S. House and Senate with all but $2,000 going to Republicans, according to data compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics. For their part, Cheney and his wife, Lynne, have contributed $2,000 each to Bush's campaign and the oil executive has donated $2,500 to Halliburton's political action committee, according to FEC data. Halliburton's stock closed down 9/16 to 41-11/16 on the New York Stock Exchange. Its 52-week high is 52-1/4 and year-low is 32-5/16. <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance�not soap-boxing�please! 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