Stratfor.com's Weekly Global Intelligence Update - 28 August 2000
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We knew it before it was news.

Washington Chases Oil
http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/commentary/0008260100.htm

Communists Temper Vietnam's Trade Agreement
http://www.stratfor.com/asia/commentary/0008252352.htm
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The Next President
Part Four: A Gore Foreign Policy

Summary

The fourth part of our series on the future of U.S. foreign policy,
the Next President, examines the Democratic foreign policy that
would propel Al Gore should he be elected the next president of the
United States.  Gore may continue Bill Clinton's foreign policy.
Yet he will be facing a more hostile world than the current
administration, and tensions over trade and power will arise.

Analysis

Without the overriding enemy of the Soviet Union and the struggle
of the Cold War, the Clinton administration has been able to pursue
a foreign policy free of the intrigue that previous presidents have
used abroad.

Instead, the Clinton years have seen the United States pursue
collective security and set new thresholds for the use of military
force. Vice President Al Gore, in his campaign for the presidency,
is the heir to this foreign policy.

But if he wins the White House, Gore is likely to face two
complications that, in turn, will alter U.S. foreign policy. First,
there are signs that he will have to face great powers with
interests that are divergent from those of the United States. Gore,
unlike Clinton, may not have the luxury of avoiding cold,
geopolitical calculations. Second, there is the long-term question:
Can free trade and its consequences continue to coexist with a
Democratic foreign policy of internationalism?

Over the past eight years, the Clinton administration has departed
from the history of Democratic-led foreign policy. Without the Cold
War, the president has been able to dispense with the
Machiavellianism that could be found in previous Democratic
administrations, such as Kennedy's and Roosevelt's.  Instead, the
Clinton years saw the United States:

1. Elevate collective security to the status of operational
principle, by using the United Nations, NATO and other instruments
to carry out interventions;

2. Resurrect and re-engineer the Vietnam problem. From Haiti to
Kosovo, U.S. foreign policy used military power to restructure
societies.

3. Reconcile anti-military sentiments with intense interventionism.
Clinton managed to increase international involvement while cutting
the defense budget.

In short, President Clinton has used the collapse of the Soviet
Union to create an integrated foreign policy that reconciles two
strains: the experiences of the Vietnam War, and those of Franklin
Delano Roosevelt. What was left out was realpolitik.
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There are two great layers underlying Democratic foreign policy.
The first is the heritage of Roosevelt and his management of World
War II. The second is the Vietnam experience. Gore inherits more
than a foreign policy, but one that is historically split. On one
side are those who would return to the FDR model of
internationalism; on the other are those who take their bearings
from the failure of force in Vietnam and recoil from power
politics.

At one level, Roosevelt's legacy was his routing of isolationists.
He managed the transition of the United States from a country that
saw itself as insulated from the international system to a role as
major guarantor of its stability. But the story is more complex.

Roosevelt was one of history's great geopoliticians. Beneath the
veneer of humanitarianism, he conducted a cunning foreign policy
based on extracting maximum benefits. He traded aid to Great
Britain during the dark days of the war in exchange for all British
naval facilities in the Western Hemisphere. Similarly, Roosevelt
allowed the Soviets to bleed the Germans dry before landing in
France.  The United States emerged from the war occupying Western
Europe, setting the stage for stripping the European powers of
their empires.

At the same time Roosevelt believed deeply in the doctrine of
collective security. He was the creator of and a genuine believer
in the United Nations. He seems to have genuinely hoped that he
could create a global entente with the Soviet Union after the war.
But that effort failed. The resulting institutionalization of
foreign policy:

1. An America-centric worldview with brilliant tactical maneuvering
of enemies and allies alike.

2. A system of collective security in which allies bore the burden
of exposure while the United States served as the final guarantor
of security.

3. A dependency on institutional frameworks designed to formalize
risk-sharing and decision-making.

The Vietnam experience derived from these three principles. And it
contained a new doctrine: the transformation of war into social
experimentation.

The doctrine of unconventional warfare, shown in the Kennedy
administration's infatuation with the special forces, read the
Vietnam War as an exercise in nation building. The mission of U.S.
troops was to provide the South Vietnamese with security to carry
out the reforms and win the hearts and minds of the people.

As this policy spiraled into failure, its architects turned against
the war and the Democratic Party slipped from its moorings into
power politics. The Democrats also tried to rationalize their new
aversion to foreign military adventure by arguing that what Jimmy
Carter called "the irrational fear of communism" had led the United
States into harming American interests and the very people the
country was trying to help.

But the collapse of communism 10 years ago changed this equation
and set the stage for Clinton's defeat of President Bush. American
power became and remains clearly preeminent.  Moreover, the fear of
nuclear war, a key element in Democratic post-Vietnam thinking, has
diminished. What had been a great handicap to the Democrats, the
reaction against Vietnam, ceased to be significant.

If Gore wins the election, he will likely be forced to reconcile
two divergent strains to be found in one of the party's most
central tenets today: free trade. The party is committed to free
trade because of its corporate constituents. There is no equivalent
ideological element.

Quite the contrary, to the extent that ideology does intrude, it
cuts the other way. Clinton's reconciliation of the strands of
Democratic foreign policy included elevating human rights to a
central place in foreign policy; it is a key element of the social-
engineering model. But free trade with China, for instance, cuts
against human rights.

It goes deeper, too. The party's roots in the labor movement mean
that at some level free trade is an opportunity to move jobs
elsewhere.  This is particularly true in the old-style industries
where labor remains strongest.  There is a strong anti-free trade
movement in the Democratic Party, and Gore has ties to it. As
president, he would also be dependent upon corporate interests with
exactly the opposite interest.

As the world becomes more volatile, Gore will face a terrific
challenge. On one hand, Gore will need to resurrect the part of
FDR's foreign policy that Clinton jettisoned: a geopolitical
strategy. In doing this, he will have to transform U.S. military
involvements from social engineering to missions that build U.S.
power.

On the other hand, the argument for maintaining free trade with
nations that might be hostile to U.S. political and military
interests will become weaker. More important, there will be key
elements of the party ready to argue that deteriorating political
relations should translate into trade barriers.

The end of the Cold War saved the Democrats from the wilderness by
rendering the ghosts of Vietnam irrelevant. If international
threats increase, as we expect, those ghosts and those issues will
be resurrected. However, the real subtext will be found in the
argument over trade.

Clinton finessed this by giving us low-cost interventions while
being permitted by history to avoid issues of power politics. Gore
will not have the same luxury.

(c) 2000 Stratfor, Inc.
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