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Agency of Fear

Opiates and Political Power in America

By Edward Jay Epstein

32 The Coughing Crisis



I have ordered the Central Intelligence Agency, early in this Administration,
to mobilize its full resources to fight the international drug trade.

-President Richard M. Nixon, September 18, 1972 (in remarks before the
International Narcotics Control Conference in Washington, D.C.)





 The Turkish poppy flower produced not only the opium base for illicit heroin
but also the codeine base for medical preparations. When a State Department
official warned the Ad Hoc Committee on Narcotics Control that the White
House plan for eradicating the world's poppies might have "dire unforeseen
consequences," a White House aide retorted cuttingly, "If we can't foresee
the consequences, why presume they will be 'dire."' He then went on to
ridicule "bureaucratic overcautiousness" and demand immediate action. Four
years later, the United States faced a massive coughing and painkilling
crisis. The inventories of codeine, which provide more than a half billion
doses of cough suppressant and analgesic medicine each year, had fallen so
precariously low that the government was forced to release its strategic
stockpiles of codeine base. The licensed manufacturers of codeine medicines
warned that unless the shortage was soon alleviated, they would have to cut
production drastically. They warned that by the end of 1974, they would have
less than one month's supply on hand, and the situation would be critical.

The problem was that codeine could be obtained only from the poppy plant, and
the Nixon administration, by eradicating the Turkish supply, had
inadvertently diminished the world's supply of this crucial base medicine.
(India, the only other licit exporter of opium for codeine, doubled the price
and reduced exports in 1972.) The antiheroin crusaders in the White House had
expected a synthetic substitute for codeine to be developed after ordering
the surgeon general and HEW to create such a drug. Despite some frantic
efforts, government and industry scientists were unable to produce a
synthetic equivalent on demand. With no substitute for codeine even on the
horizon, the White House came under increased pressure from the American
Medical Association and from drug manufacturers to increase the world's
supply of opium. Finally, in 1974, as the coughing crisis loomed larger, the
Office of Management and Budget, which was now superintending drug policy for
the White House, decided to reverse the policy of annihilating the world's
poppy supplies and seek new sources of opium for the drug industry. At the
same time, however, political interests dictated that the prohibition on
opium growing in Turkey, which was in the conditioned popular imagination the
single greatest victory of the Nixon administration in its war against
heroin, be maintained.

To solve this dilemma, OMB directed the State Department to encourage India
to increase by 50 percent its production of poppies. The idea was that Indian
opium did not have the connotations in the press and with Congress that
Turkish opium had, and, because of the relative remoteness of India and the
fact that it consumed most of its own opium, an illicit supply might never
reach the American market. India, however, was experiencing increased
problems with opium eating and drug addiction, and was reluctant to plant
more poppy acreage to please the United States.

At this point OMB more or less designed its own poppy for American
production-the Papaver bracteatum. This strain of poppy was originally
discovered in northern Iran by scientists working for the Department of
Agriculture. It had the advantage of producing  high-quality thebaine, which
can be converted to codeine but not, without difficulty, to heroin. Thebaine,
nevertheless, was a white gummy substance similar to opium. Unfortunately,
thebaine yielded drugs known as the Bentley compounds, which, although
difficult to isolate, are ten thousand times as powerful as heroin. Some
government scientists, fearing that the Bentley compounds would replace
heroin, suggested growing the bracteatum on Air Force bases, surrounded by
barbed wire and guarded by dogs. (One White House aide suggested that the
Bentley compounds "would kill off half the heroin addicts, but then we might
have a real problem with those that survive.") Finally, it was decided to
grow the bracteatum experimentally at a Department of Agriculture field
station in Flagstaff, Arizona (where poppies had already been planted as a
"signature" for satellites and U2s). Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, a leading
processor of opium, also announced its interest in growing bracteatum in
Arizona.

The attempt to induce India to increase its opium production and the
announced plans to grow poppies in the United States fatally weakened the
American position in Turkey. William Handley, the former ambassador to Turkey
who had replaced Nelson Gross as senior advisor to the secretary of state for
narcotics-related matters, argued that it would prove impossible to maintain
the ban in Turkey if "we planted poppies ourselves and encouraged every
country but Turkey to go into the opium business." He held that the policy of
banning opium in a single country, Turkey, was ultimately untenable. He was
unable, however, to garner support from the narcotics agencies for his
position. The Drug Enforcement Administration, which succeeded the BNDD in
1973, took the position that Turkish opium would eventually be replaced by
other drugs, and that the best way to undermine the profitability of opium
would be for America to produce its own poppies. The Special Action Office
for Drug Abuse Prevention, which managed the federal methadone and treatment
programs, argued that the drug problem could be solved only by reducing
demand through treatment, and that therefore the Turkish opium question was
irrelevant. Handley took his case to the cabinet committee, presided over by
Melvin Laird, and lost. He promptly resigned. Less than six months later, on
July 1, 1974, Turkey announced that it was resuming opium production to
relieve the world shortage. Angry Congressmen immediately threatened to cut
off military aid to Turkey (which grants the United States twenty-five common
defense" bases, mainly monitoring Soviet missiles), and suddenly the eastern
flank of the NATO alliance was being thrown into jeopardy by the politics of
the poppy.

Eventually, administration officials were able to brief congressional leaders
on the fact that Turkey produced only 7 percent of the world's opium, and
they claimed now that they had never really believed that the suppression of
opium in Turkey would end the supply of heroin to addicts in the United
States. As Walter Minnick, the former staff coordinator of the Cabinet
Committee on International Narcotics Control, testified before the Senate
Judiciary Committee on March 4, 1975:

The dilemma we now face is that the demand for medicinal opiates around the
world continues to skyrocket, inducing ever larger quantities of gum opium to
be cultivated, primarily in India. The more opium produced, the larger the
stock available for diversion into illicit criminal channels.... This will be
true whether the opium gum is produced in India, Turkey, the Golden Triangle,
or anywhere else.

The Nixon administration's "poppy war" had thus not only contributed to the
codeine crisis but had stimulated production in other areas of the world. As
Daniel Patrick Moynihan pointed out in a telegram to the State Department in
1973, when he was ambassador to India and the White House was attempting to
change the hoary system of Indian poppy cultivation to alleviate the codeine
shortage, it was not always possible for the White House to dictate morality
with favorable results.





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